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The Gradual Decapitation of Shippers’ Council under Jime.

Arguably, the Nigeria Shippers’ Council is gradually losing its bite.
The council, which was bequeathed to the present Executive Secretary of the agency,  Emmanuel Jime, by the vibrant and energetic Hassan Bello, its immediate past  CEO, is becoming a lame duck, a toothless bulldog that is gradually losing the sting, ferocity, and vibrancy it acquired under the immediate past helmsman.
Unfortunately, Jime, a politician, who took over the mantle of leadership when his predecessor honourably bowed out of service, is presiding over a whimper of a council, which is gradually becoming colourless in character and hollow in value.
The current face-off between the freight forwarders and the shipping companies has exposed the extent to which the council has lost respect, character and bite within the short period that Jime took over, and these are the vital attributes that the retired Bello has built into the agency.
Before Bello took over the council and shortly after it transmuted into the industry economic regulator, Shippers Council was greatly incapacitated with a voice not more than that of a whimpering child: muffled, shaky, devoid of life and confidence.
But immediately Bello, widely regarded as one of the best and finest technocrats to have passed through the industry, took over the whimpering child, he polished the colourless agency into a formidable, respectable and effective regulator whose words were order to which the powerful but arrogant shipping companies have come to defer and hold in reverence.
But after the exit of  Bello, the Shippers’Council she bequeathed is gradually losing its taste and value for which it was known.
The face-off between the shipping companies and customs brokers has brought this unfortunate reality to the fore.
In October this year, angry freight forwarders issued a two-week ultimatum to the predominantly foreign shipping companies in the country over their unbridled and mindless extortion perpetrated through numerous illegal charges.
They listed their grievances which they wanted to be addressed without which they will ground port operations.
Even though the contending matters are within the sphere of influence of the Shippers’Council, it was the Council for the Regulation of Freight Forwarding Practices in Nigeria(CRFFN) that took the initiative to broker peace between the two feuding parties when it convened a peace meeting.
The Shippers Council, the economic regulator, was only coopted into the peace meeting when it became glaringly clear that it has lost the initiative to be proactive.
Notwithstanding the presence of the Council which is their regulator, the arrogant shipping companies snubbed the peace meeting when they refused to attend.
Undaunted though, the CRFFN, which has clearly seized the initiative from the laid-back and lacklustre Shippers’ Council, reconvened the peace meeting last week Friday with the Council tagging along with other agencies like a lame duck.
Once again, the shipping companies, even though reluctantly sent representatives, didn’t accord much respect to the conveners of the meeting.
With annoying arrogance, the service providers partially conceded to one out of the numerous demands of the aggrieved freight forwarders when they agreed to give them six days period of grace for demurrage instead of the 14 days grace the freight forwarders asked for.
Even, the six days grace period was not clearly defined but dumped on them with you- can- go- to- hell -if- you- don’t want- it – attitude.
Expectedly, neither the Shippers’Council nor the CRFFN could do anything as the meeting was deadlocked.
The outcome of this issue has clearly defined the present state of the Shippers’Council.
It has clearly exposed the council under the present leadership as one which lacks the capacity to protect the interests of shippers it was created for.
It has shown a council that has lost the initiative to act and one which is not proactive.
It has lost the verve, glamour and the springy movement it was known for under the past leadership.
The freight forwarders themselves have expressed their lack of confidence in the ability of the  Council to resolve the lingering issues and stave off the impending strike which the customs brokers have vowed to embark on at the expiration of the new ultimatum, given the deadlocked peace meeting.
Although the shipping companies are not better in character and temperament under the past leadership of the council, Bello was still able to rein them in with his high level of interaction, engagement, consultations and high wire diplomacy that made the  Council achieve a considerable level of compliance and cooperation among the service providers.
Though the battle was tough and long-drawn as the recalcitrant shipping companies resorted to litigation to entrench their operational impunity, they however found the sheer determination, resilience, passion and uncompromising attitude of Barrister Hassan Bello too strong to break.
Does the present ES possess such attributes that helped his predecessor to succeed?
Only time will tell.
But the signal of lethargy, despondency, and lack of direction exhibited by the council so far in handing its core mandate in the early days of the current leadership, gives no reason to cheer and the situation was compounded by the equally visionless public affairs department of the council which is headed by a person of similar professional incompetent genes.
It clearly shows that Jime has inherited an oversized shoe.
The highly exploitative shipping companies may want to take advantage of the lack of will of the present leadership of the council to renew their onslaught on the users of their services.
They may want to exploit lack of experience in the workings of the industry of the present helmsman at the Shippers’ Council to unleash operational terror on the weary freight forwarders.
The present face-off between them and the freight forwarders is a test case.
If the Shippers’Council and the CRFFN fail to broker a truce between the two warring parties and stave off the impending service disruption, then Jime would have failed his first assignment as the Chief Executive officer of an economic regulator which has failed to tame one of its constituents.
Then and unfortunately too, that will signal the beginning of the descent of the council into the pre-Bello era when the agency was a toothless bulldog, which could only bark but shy to bite.
The reason for the sudden dip in the fortune of the council may not be far-fetched if we look at the antecedents of all the agencies of government where top appointments were used as political patronage to rehabilitate politicians, especially those who suffered political setbacks.
Unlike his predecessor, Barrister Hassan Bello, who is an industry man that rose through the ranks in the Shippers Council,  Hon. Emmanuel Jime is a thoroughbred politician and former APC governorship candidate in Benue State whose passion for ruling the state may still have an overring place in his mind.
That has always been the fate of government parastatals which are headed by active politicians as all other assignments will take a back seat in the pursuit of their political goals and ambition.
The same scenario is playing out at the National Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA) where an active politician heads the agency whose 2022 budget proposal was recently dismissed by members of the Senate committee who described the presentation of NIWA’s  Chief Executive as incoherent and inconsistent with the figures presented.
Contrast this with the cheering performance and runaway achievements being recorded at the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) whose Chief Executive, just like Barrister Bello, is a  ”home boy”, a home-grown, thoroughbred professional.
Or better still juxtapose that with the impressive runs of the helmsman at MAN, Oron who is also not a politician but professional.
You can call them a tale of two cities. One headed by politician and the other by professional.
The success of the present ES in his onerous task of steering the ship of the Council will however depend on the willpower, cooperation and commitment of the Directors he inherited who were part of Bello’s roaring success.
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Commentaries

Blue Economy Engine: Decoding unstoppable rise of Nigeria’s maritime gateways

Monday Discourse with Ibrahim Nasiru

The latest operational data from Nigeria’s maritime sector shows a significant shift in trade capacity that deserves close attention.

In a period where national economic discourse is heavily focused on foreign exchange stability and trade balance, the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) recently released its operational performance report for the second quarter of 2026.

The figures indicate clear, measurable progress across our major shipping channels.

Under the current management led by Dr. Abubakar Dantsoho, total cargo throughput at the nation’s seaports grew by 12.3% year-on-year, moving from 31.83 million metric tonnes in the second quarter of 2025 to 35.74 million metric tonnes in Q2 2026.

This growth was closely supported by a 14.4% increase in ocean-going vessel traffic, which recorded 1,201 vessel calls during the three months under review.

These statistics are notable because they reflect actual operational changes rather than mere administrative adjustments.

For decades, Nigerian Ports were held back by slow container clearing times, heavy bureaucratic red tape, and severe traffic congestion around the Lagos Ports.

The current upward trend shows that the ongoing efforts toward Port modernization, including the digital integration of the National Single Window system, are beginning to show results on the ground.

By reducing physical bottlenecks and shortening the time cargo spends at the berths, terminal operations are becoming more reliable for international shipping lines and domestic businesses alike.

A highly encouraging aspect of the Q2 2026 data is the 22% increase recorded in export-related outward cargo.

For an economy that urgently needs to diversify away from absolute reliance on crude oil revenues, this rise in export volumes shows that the policy of establishing dedicated export terminals is functioning as intended.

Local manufacturing concerns, agricultural aggregators, and non-oil exporters are finding it relatively easier to move their goods out to global markets.

Additionally, the emergence of transshipment container traffic—which grew to 29,038 TEUs this quarter from zero in the same period last year—proves that Nigeria is regaining its position as a major logistics transit hub for the West African sub-region.

However, the report also highlights a persistent structural reality that economic planners must continue to address.

Out of the 35.74 million metric tonnes of cargo handled, inward cargo or imports still accounted for the larger share at 56.8%, while outward cargo stood at 41.9%.

While the gap is closing due to the 22% export growth, it reminds us that maritime efficiency must be backed by a strong domestic production base.

The Ports can only serve as efficient gateways; the real value lies in ensuring that what leaves our shores consists of processed, value-added Nigerian goods rather than just raw agricultural products or unrefined solid minerals.

The second-quarter performance numbers show that the maritime sector is currently serving as a stable and productive engine for the nation’s broader economic goals.

It demonstrates that clear policy direction and disciplined institutional management can stabilize critical national infrastructure even during periods of global trade volatility.

As the NPA works to sustain this momentum through the rest of the year, the priority must remain on full automation, eliminating unreceipted costs at the Ports, and strengthening rail connectivity to the hinterland.

By locking in these operational gains, Nigeria is steadily turning its maritime gateways into solid pillars of long-term commercial prosperity.

Chief Ibrahim Nasiru, a public affairs analyst, writes from Abuja 

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Commentaries

Lafia Ticket: Beyond tokenism in our legislative politics

Major General Nuhu Angbazo(rtd) and Barrister Hassan Yakubu

Ibrahim Nasiru

True political organization is not built in the backrooms of elite zoning committees; it is won on the streets through strategic inclusion and clear, structured planning.

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has just sent a powerful shockwave across Nasarawa State by formally unveiling its joint ticket for the Government House in Lafia.

By pairing Retired Major General Nuhu Angbazo with Barrister Hassan Yakubu, the party is moving past typical political slogans to present a disciplined, highly structured alternative.

On paper, traditional operatives might view this as just another standard campaign adjustment.

But beneath the surface, this timely move is a deliberate attempt to change the old narrative and challenge the ruling party’s continuous control with a ticket backed by clear administrative ambition.

The pairing of a seasoned military strategist like General Angbazo with a legal mind and grassroots mobilizer like Barrister Hassan Yakubu is a masterstroke in political game theory.

It balances strict institutional discipline with deep, ground-level political networking.

While the ruling party continues to struggle with internal friction and broken promises, the ADC is showing the public an organized, unified front.

With key figures like Jibril Sabo Keana immediately rallying support behind this new team, the party is proving that it is completely focused on one goal: winning.

This ticket is not just trying to pull votes from different zones; it is offering the people a balanced, highly capable team ready to handle the complex realities of modern governance.

What makes the Angbazo and Hassan ticket particularly dangerous for the incumbent government is its ability to connect with everyday people.

This partnership moves the conversation away from elite power-sharing deals and focuses it squarely on real development.

In a state that is currently experiencing a massive solid minerals boom, our communities are still suffering from poor infrastructure and a lack of basic public services.

The entry of this new team completely changes the political dynamics. It forces the conversation away from beautiful executive promises and shifts it toward practical solutions for economic growth, public health funding, and grassroots survival.

Ultimately, the unveiling of this joint ticket shows that the path to real transformation in Nasarawa State does not rely on short-term political slogans.

It requires a solid, unified structure that is built to last. While the ruling party remains heavily distracted by its own internal campaign council frictions and long-term succession disputes, the ADC has quietly positioned itself as the most stable, ready-to-govern alternative in Lafia.

By offering a clean choice between continuous corporate exploitation and structured public development, this new team has handed the ordinary people a genuine blueprint for liberation.

Chief Ibrahim Nasiru is a public affairs analyst

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Commentaries

Atiku’s border promise: Between political expediency and Nigeria’s national interest

Okey IBEKE

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar’s promise to reopen Nigeria’s land borders if elected president in 2027 may appeal to traders and border communities who depend on cross-border commerce.

But the promise raises a more important question: what exactly does he intend to reopen?

The Federal Government has challenged the premise of the proposal, insisting that Nigeria’s borders are not closed.

Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, recalled that Seme, Illela, Maigatari and Mfum borders were reopened in December 2020, followed by Idiroko and Ikom for goods and services in April 2022.

The present administration also opened Kamba and Tsamiya borders in Kebbi State in February 2026.

Atiku reportedly made his promise on August 26th, 2026 while receiving a political support group in Abuja.

He said he would reopen the land borders and develop southern ports to boost trade if elected in 2027, arguing that restrictions had hurt legitimate trans-border commerce, contributed to business failures and pushed some young entrepreneurs into unemployment.

There is undoubtedly a case for making Nigeria’s border administration more efficient. Border communities depend on trade with neighbouring countries, while Nigerian businesses need access to regional markets.

Unnecessary delays, poor infrastructure, excessive bureaucracy and multiple checkpoints are already being addressed.

Legitimate traders should be able to move their goods without avoidable obstacles.
But legitimate trade is not the same as smuggling.

The fact that Nigerians have traded across these borders for generations does not, by itself, make every such activity lawful.

Trade is legitimate when it complies with the law: goods are brought through approved entry points, properly declared and documented, applicable duties and taxes are paid, and the relevant regulations are observed.

A trader who meets those requirements is engaged in legitimate commerce. Someone who avoids approved routes, conceals goods, evades duties or brings prohibited commodities into the country is smuggling, irrespective of how long the practice has existed.

This distinction matters because compliant businesses already bear the costs of operating within the law.

Importers and manufacturers pay duties, taxes, regulatory charges, transportation costs and other expenses.

Allowing competitors to evade those obligations gives the law-abiding businessman a disadvantage and distorts the market.

This is why the Nigeria Customs Service is simultaneously facilitating legitimate trade, protecting government revenue and enforcing import and export regulations.

Its growing use of automation, risk management and digital processing is aimed at reducing friction for compliant traders while improving the detection of suspicious transactions.

The sensible objective, therefore, is smarter border administration that makes lawful commerce easier without giving illicit trade room to flourish.

There is also a security dimension that any serious border policy must confront. Nigeria’s borders are vulnerable to the movement of arms, narcotics, trafficked persons and other illicit goods, while some restrictions have been imposed specifically because of terrorism and insecurity.

Tunji-Ojo made this point in responding to Atiku’s references to Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Benin.

He explained that the Banki and Amchidé crossings with Cameroon were closed in 2014 because of the Boko Haram insurgency, rather than because of the 2019 trade policy.

Some crossings were subsequently reopened following security and stabilisation efforts involving Nigeria and neighbouring countries.

That history makes it difficult to treat border management as simply a matter of removing economic restrictions.

A crossing that is commercially useful can also be exploited by criminal networks, making security considerations an unavoidable part of any decision to relax controls.

If Atiku’s proposal is to simplify documentation, improve infrastructure, eliminate unnecessary bureaucracy, strengthen regional trade and make it easier for legitimate small-scale traders to operate, then those objectives are difficult to oppose.

They are consistent with Nigeria’s efforts to deepen regional commerce under the African Continental Free Trade Area.

But if “reopening the borders” means changing the rules that distinguish legitimate commerce from illicit activity, Nigerians deserve to know.

Which controls would be removed? Which duties would change? Would Customs declarations remain compulsory? Would prohibited goods remain prohibited? How would legitimate businesses be protected from cheaper smuggled alternatives? And what safeguards would remain against the movement of arms, narcotics and other illicit commodities?

These questions are not technicalities. They are the substance of a credible border policy.

There is also an unmistakable political attraction in Atiku’s promise. With the 2027 election approaching, appealing directly to traders and border communities offers a politically convenient message: remove the restrictions and revive commerce.

But presidential policy cannot be reduced to what sounds attractive during an election campaign.

Atiku has every right to challenge the policies of the present administration and offer an alternative.

Indeed, criticism of government policy is an essential part of democratic politics. But a presidential candidate should also be expected to explain how his alternative would work, what it would cost and what safeguards would protect the wider national interest.

Nigeria needs more legitimate trade with its neighbours, not less. It needs better border infrastructure, faster clearance, simpler procedures and stronger regional integration.

None of these requires abandoning the government’s responsibility to regulate what enters the country.

The better approach is to make legitimate trade easier without making illegal trade easier.

That means technology-driven customs procedures, transparent documentation, efficient border infrastructure, predictable charges and risk-based inspections.

Traders who comply with the law should encounter fewer obstacles; those who deliberately evade it should not be allowed to gain an unfair advantage.

Atiku’s 2027 proposal should therefore be judged not by the emotional appeal of “reopening the borders” but by the policy behind the slogan.

If he believes the present system is unnecessarily restrictive, he should identify the specific restrictions he intends to remove.

If he believes legitimate border trade is being suffocated, he should explain how he would formalise and facilitate it without encouraging smuggling.

And if security controls are to be relaxed in particular areas, he should explain how the resulting risks would be managed.

That is the level of debate Nigerians should expect from someone seeking the presidency, especially one like him that was a very senior Customs officer.

The danger is that, in the rush to distinguish himself politically ahead of 2027, Atiku may be offering a simple answer to a problem that is anything but simple.

Border communities need economic opportunities, but Nigeria also needs revenue, lives and economic protection, regulatory compliance and national security. These interests are not mutually exclusive.

Atiku’s ambition to return to the presidency is legitimate. But the pursuit of that ambition should not turn border policy into a political bargaining chip.

The question Nigerians should ultimately ask is not whether the borders should be “opened”.

It is whether Atiku’s proposal would expand legitimate trade while protecting Nigeria’s economic and security interests—or simply loosen rules that exist for a political reason.

That is the real issue behind the 2027 border promise.

 

Mr Okey IBEKE is the Principal Consultant, International Trade Advisory Services Ltd

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