Commentaries
Nigeria’s Loss of IMO Seat: One Defeat Too Many

Last week Friday, Nigeria once again lost its bid to regain the Category C seat of the International Maritime Organisation (IMO) in a keenly contested election in London Headquarters of the world body.
Last weekend’s loss makes it the sixth consecutive failed attempt which Nigeria made to recapture the global crown it lost in 2011.
The latest loss was particularly painful and dramatic as the country lost against high expectations and hope for a better outing.
Disappointed stakeholders have since then been making wild guesses as to why Nigeria has consistently become a serial loser at the IMO Council seat elections.
While some believed that the maritime administration in Nigeria has not done enough to make the country merit a seat to dine with serious maritime nations in the world, others believed the loss was an unfair reflection of efforts of the present management of NIMASA to shore up our maritime fortunes.
Not a few stakeholders gave Nigeria a chance to clinch the coveted position which it narrowly lost to Kenya by one vote in 2019.
Nonetheless, we are saddened by this latest loss given the level of improvements we thought our maritime administration has recorded in recent times.
Before this time, the previous losses have mainly been attributed to the notoriety of Nigeria’s waters for pirate attacks as well as the shambled state of our ship registry.
Our Search and Rescue operations were also blamed while the poor level of compliance of port infrastructures to the ISPS code was not spared.
But in recent times, the present management of NIMASA led by Dr Bashir Jamoh has shown uncommon commitment and courage to tackle these challenges.
We can recall that incidents of pirate attacks on our waters drastically reduced early this year due to the collaborative efforts of NIMASA with the Navy.
The notorious Gulf of Guinea was calmer in recent times due to the conscious collaborative efforts and strategic partnership which Nigeria had with foreign Navies whose presence has helped to reduce the incidence of piracy in the region.
The International Maritime Bureau (IMB) even acknowledged this feat in its quarterly assessment reports.
Incidents of piracy in the first nine months of 2021 are the lowest reported in 17 years.
This represents 77 percent decrease in incidents between 2021 and 2020 and 95 percent reduction from 2018. “The IMB also reported a 39 percent reduction in piracy and armed robbery incidents in the Gulf of Guinea (GoG),” said Jimoh.
To complement its security efforts on Nigerian waters, NIMASA launched an operation of a modern and sophisticated security architecture known as Command, Control Computer Communication and Information System(C4i).
This is to create maximum security, strong surveillance as well as low freight costs that will boost the confidence of investors and port users.
Also, the NIMASA management took a bold step to revamp the ship registry which has for some years been a disincentive for ships to fly Nigeria’s flag.
On the ISPS code compliance level of Nigerian Ports facilities, the United States Coast Guards (USCG) commended NIMASA as the Designated Authority (DA) over the improved compliance level attained by the country which was rated at 90 percent.
The Search and Rescue operations of the agency have recorded significant milestones in recent times with its rescue operations to salvage distressed ships, passengers, and crew members.
To put the icing on the cake, the Federal Government, early this year, launched the multi-billion dollars security apparatus called deep blue project which was a revolutionary security architecture to sweep our waters of criminal elements.
The project, being driven by NIMASA, involves all other security agencies whose personnel are equipped with the sophisticated hardware and assets acquired under the project to engage criminals on our waters and keep our waters safe.
The international community even commended this security initiative which it confessed has considerable calming effects on the raging Gulf of Guinea.
With all these efforts to improve maritime security and Safety on our waters, which is the core function of any maritime administration in the world and for which Nigeria through NIMASA has acquitted itself, what more does the world want?
The efforts of the incumbent NIMASA management in maritime security have even been acknowledged by the IMO when the body described Nigeria as the most improved maritime nation in the sub-region.
Why then are all these efforts by Nigeria not rewarded with a victory at the IMO elections?
As far as we are concerned, Nigeria lost the elections to grand international conspiracy and criminal gang-up by her jealous and ingrate neighbours.
We are not by any means suggesting that our challenges in the maritime industry are over.
On the contrary, we still need to firm up on some other key areas of administration and operations to put the industry on a sound footing, especially the grey areas identified in the audit exercise by the IMO.
But our position is that, unlike the previous defeats which Nigeria has suffered since 2011, the current loss is most unjustified and unkindest cut given the sincerity of purpose of Jamoh- led management in its reformation agenda in the industry aimed at correcting some of the administrative and operational lapses that had hitherto caused our failures at the IMO Council elections.
Despite this loss, however, we would like to commend Nigeria nay NIMASA for fighting a good battle.
They have put up a good show.
To us Nigeria didn’t lose as a result of administrative ineptitude and operational laxity as some critics may want us to believe but instead, we lost to bad international politics heavily steeped in “bad belle”.
We want to encourage Jamoh and his team not to be despondent nor allow their fighting spirit to be dampened as a result of this defeat which to us, was “against the run of play”.
Rather, the management should go back to the drawing board and commence immediate preparations for the next IMO council elections in 2023.
The defeat should also spur NIMASA to improve on its current drive to reform the maritime industry that will make us break the chains of defeat in subsequent elections.
Commentaries
Blue Economy Engine: Decoding unstoppable rise of Nigeria’s maritime gateways

Monday Discourse with Ibrahim Nasiru
The latest operational data from Nigeria’s maritime sector shows a significant shift in trade capacity that deserves close attention.
In a period where national economic discourse is heavily focused on foreign exchange stability and trade balance, the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) recently released its operational performance report for the second quarter of 2026.
The figures indicate clear, measurable progress across our major shipping channels.
Under the current management led by Dr. Abubakar Dantsoho, total cargo throughput at the nation’s seaports grew by 12.3% year-on-year, moving from 31.83 million metric tonnes in the second quarter of 2025 to 35.74 million metric tonnes in Q2 2026.
This growth was closely supported by a 14.4% increase in ocean-going vessel traffic, which recorded 1,201 vessel calls during the three months under review.
These statistics are notable because they reflect actual operational changes rather than mere administrative adjustments.
For decades, Nigerian Ports were held back by slow container clearing times, heavy bureaucratic red tape, and severe traffic congestion around the Lagos Ports.
The current upward trend shows that the ongoing efforts toward Port modernization, including the digital integration of the National Single Window system, are beginning to show results on the ground.
By reducing physical bottlenecks and shortening the time cargo spends at the berths, terminal operations are becoming more reliable for international shipping lines and domestic businesses alike.
A highly encouraging aspect of the Q2 2026 data is the 22% increase recorded in export-related outward cargo.
For an economy that urgently needs to diversify away from absolute reliance on crude oil revenues, this rise in export volumes shows that the policy of establishing dedicated export terminals is functioning as intended.
Local manufacturing concerns, agricultural aggregators, and non-oil exporters are finding it relatively easier to move their goods out to global markets.
Additionally, the emergence of transshipment container traffic—which grew to 29,038 TEUs this quarter from zero in the same period last year—proves that Nigeria is regaining its position as a major logistics transit hub for the West African sub-region.
However, the report also highlights a persistent structural reality that economic planners must continue to address.
Out of the 35.74 million metric tonnes of cargo handled, inward cargo or imports still accounted for the larger share at 56.8%, while outward cargo stood at 41.9%.
While the gap is closing due to the 22% export growth, it reminds us that maritime efficiency must be backed by a strong domestic production base.
The Ports can only serve as efficient gateways; the real value lies in ensuring that what leaves our shores consists of processed, value-added Nigerian goods rather than just raw agricultural products or unrefined solid minerals.
The second-quarter performance numbers show that the maritime sector is currently serving as a stable and productive engine for the nation’s broader economic goals.
It demonstrates that clear policy direction and disciplined institutional management can stabilize critical national infrastructure even during periods of global trade volatility.
As the NPA works to sustain this momentum through the rest of the year, the priority must remain on full automation, eliminating unreceipted costs at the Ports, and strengthening rail connectivity to the hinterland.
By locking in these operational gains, Nigeria is steadily turning its maritime gateways into solid pillars of long-term commercial prosperity.
Chief Ibrahim Nasiru, a public affairs analyst, writes from Abuja
Commentaries
Lafia Ticket: Beyond tokenism in our legislative politics

Ibrahim Nasiru
True political organization is not built in the backrooms of elite zoning committees; it is won on the streets through strategic inclusion and clear, structured planning.
The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has just sent a powerful shockwave across Nasarawa State by formally unveiling its joint ticket for the Government House in Lafia.
By pairing Retired Major General Nuhu Angbazo with Barrister Hassan Yakubu, the party is moving past typical political slogans to present a disciplined, highly structured alternative.
On paper, traditional operatives might view this as just another standard campaign adjustment.
But beneath the surface, this timely move is a deliberate attempt to change the old narrative and challenge the ruling party’s continuous control with a ticket backed by clear administrative ambition.
The pairing of a seasoned military strategist like General Angbazo with a legal mind and grassroots mobilizer like Barrister Hassan Yakubu is a masterstroke in political game theory.
It balances strict institutional discipline with deep, ground-level political networking.
While the ruling party continues to struggle with internal friction and broken promises, the ADC is showing the public an organized, unified front.
With key figures like Jibril Sabo Keana immediately rallying support behind this new team, the party is proving that it is completely focused on one goal: winning.
This ticket is not just trying to pull votes from different zones; it is offering the people a balanced, highly capable team ready to handle the complex realities of modern governance.
What makes the Angbazo and Hassan ticket particularly dangerous for the incumbent government is its ability to connect with everyday people.
This partnership moves the conversation away from elite power-sharing deals and focuses it squarely on real development.
In a state that is currently experiencing a massive solid minerals boom, our communities are still suffering from poor infrastructure and a lack of basic public services.
The entry of this new team completely changes the political dynamics. It forces the conversation away from beautiful executive promises and shifts it toward practical solutions for economic growth, public health funding, and grassroots survival.
Ultimately, the unveiling of this joint ticket shows that the path to real transformation in Nasarawa State does not rely on short-term political slogans.
It requires a solid, unified structure that is built to last. While the ruling party remains heavily distracted by its own internal campaign council frictions and long-term succession disputes, the ADC has quietly positioned itself as the most stable, ready-to-govern alternative in Lafia.
By offering a clean choice between continuous corporate exploitation and structured public development, this new team has handed the ordinary people a genuine blueprint for liberation.
Chief Ibrahim Nasiru is a public affairs analyst
Commentaries
Atiku’s border promise: Between political expediency and Nigeria’s national interest

Okey IBEKE
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar’s promise to reopen Nigeria’s land borders if elected president in 2027 may appeal to traders and border communities who depend on cross-border commerce.
But the promise raises a more important question: what exactly does he intend to reopen?
The Federal Government has challenged the premise of the proposal, insisting that Nigeria’s borders are not closed.
Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, recalled that Seme, Illela, Maigatari and Mfum borders were reopened in December 2020, followed by Idiroko and Ikom for goods and services in April 2022.
The present administration also opened Kamba and Tsamiya borders in Kebbi State in February 2026.
Atiku reportedly made his promise on August 26th, 2026 while receiving a political support group in Abuja.
He said he would reopen the land borders and develop southern ports to boost trade if elected in 2027, arguing that restrictions had hurt legitimate trans-border commerce, contributed to business failures and pushed some young entrepreneurs into unemployment.
There is undoubtedly a case for making Nigeria’s border administration more efficient. Border communities depend on trade with neighbouring countries, while Nigerian businesses need access to regional markets.
Unnecessary delays, poor infrastructure, excessive bureaucracy and multiple checkpoints are already being addressed.
Legitimate traders should be able to move their goods without avoidable obstacles.
But legitimate trade is not the same as smuggling.
The fact that Nigerians have traded across these borders for generations does not, by itself, make every such activity lawful.
Trade is legitimate when it complies with the law: goods are brought through approved entry points, properly declared and documented, applicable duties and taxes are paid, and the relevant regulations are observed.
A trader who meets those requirements is engaged in legitimate commerce. Someone who avoids approved routes, conceals goods, evades duties or brings prohibited commodities into the country is smuggling, irrespective of how long the practice has existed.
This distinction matters because compliant businesses already bear the costs of operating within the law.
Importers and manufacturers pay duties, taxes, regulatory charges, transportation costs and other expenses.
Allowing competitors to evade those obligations gives the law-abiding businessman a disadvantage and distorts the market.
This is why the Nigeria Customs Service is simultaneously facilitating legitimate trade, protecting government revenue and enforcing import and export regulations.
Its growing use of automation, risk management and digital processing is aimed at reducing friction for compliant traders while improving the detection of suspicious transactions.
The sensible objective, therefore, is smarter border administration that makes lawful commerce easier without giving illicit trade room to flourish.
There is also a security dimension that any serious border policy must confront. Nigeria’s borders are vulnerable to the movement of arms, narcotics, trafficked persons and other illicit goods, while some restrictions have been imposed specifically because of terrorism and insecurity.
Tunji-Ojo made this point in responding to Atiku’s references to Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Benin.
He explained that the Banki and Amchidé crossings with Cameroon were closed in 2014 because of the Boko Haram insurgency, rather than because of the 2019 trade policy.
Some crossings were subsequently reopened following security and stabilisation efforts involving Nigeria and neighbouring countries.
That history makes it difficult to treat border management as simply a matter of removing economic restrictions.
A crossing that is commercially useful can also be exploited by criminal networks, making security considerations an unavoidable part of any decision to relax controls.
If Atiku’s proposal is to simplify documentation, improve infrastructure, eliminate unnecessary bureaucracy, strengthen regional trade and make it easier for legitimate small-scale traders to operate, then those objectives are difficult to oppose.
They are consistent with Nigeria’s efforts to deepen regional commerce under the African Continental Free Trade Area.
But if “reopening the borders” means changing the rules that distinguish legitimate commerce from illicit activity, Nigerians deserve to know.
Which controls would be removed? Which duties would change? Would Customs declarations remain compulsory? Would prohibited goods remain prohibited? How would legitimate businesses be protected from cheaper smuggled alternatives? And what safeguards would remain against the movement of arms, narcotics and other illicit commodities?
These questions are not technicalities. They are the substance of a credible border policy.
There is also an unmistakable political attraction in Atiku’s promise. With the 2027 election approaching, appealing directly to traders and border communities offers a politically convenient message: remove the restrictions and revive commerce.
But presidential policy cannot be reduced to what sounds attractive during an election campaign.
Atiku has every right to challenge the policies of the present administration and offer an alternative.
Indeed, criticism of government policy is an essential part of democratic politics. But a presidential candidate should also be expected to explain how his alternative would work, what it would cost and what safeguards would protect the wider national interest.
Nigeria needs more legitimate trade with its neighbours, not less. It needs better border infrastructure, faster clearance, simpler procedures and stronger regional integration.
None of these requires abandoning the government’s responsibility to regulate what enters the country.
The better approach is to make legitimate trade easier without making illegal trade easier.
That means technology-driven customs procedures, transparent documentation, efficient border infrastructure, predictable charges and risk-based inspections.
Traders who comply with the law should encounter fewer obstacles; those who deliberately evade it should not be allowed to gain an unfair advantage.
Atiku’s 2027 proposal should therefore be judged not by the emotional appeal of “reopening the borders” but by the policy behind the slogan.
If he believes the present system is unnecessarily restrictive, he should identify the specific restrictions he intends to remove.
If he believes legitimate border trade is being suffocated, he should explain how he would formalise and facilitate it without encouraging smuggling.
And if security controls are to be relaxed in particular areas, he should explain how the resulting risks would be managed.
That is the level of debate Nigerians should expect from someone seeking the presidency, especially one like him that was a very senior Customs officer.
The danger is that, in the rush to distinguish himself politically ahead of 2027, Atiku may be offering a simple answer to a problem that is anything but simple.
Border communities need economic opportunities, but Nigeria also needs revenue, lives and economic protection, regulatory compliance and national security. These interests are not mutually exclusive.
Atiku’s ambition to return to the presidency is legitimate. But the pursuit of that ambition should not turn border policy into a political bargaining chip.
The question Nigerians should ultimately ask is not whether the borders should be “opened”.
It is whether Atiku’s proposal would expand legitimate trade while protecting Nigeria’s economic and security interests—or simply loosen rules that exist for a political reason.
That is the real issue behind the 2027 border promise.
Mr Okey IBEKE is the Principal Consultant, International Trade Advisory Services Ltd
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