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How we were tricked into slavery on Iranian ships— -Indian seafarers

Iranian shipping companies in league with international recruiting firms have allegedly been forcing large numbers of Indian seafarers to work in dangerous conditions, often with little or no pay.
According to Indian Seafarers and maritime activists,  thousands of Indian men are lured to Iran each year by recruiters guaranteeing salaries and experience aboard reputable ships and often promising assignments in other Middle Eastern countries.
 The seafarers claimed they are sent to Iran and put to sea, where they are overworked, denied enough food and at times forced to transport drugs and cargo that is under international sanctions.

“They target seafarers for work without salary. It’s all a big trap,” said Ashkay Kumar, a 24-year-old deck cadet from Delhi who was among 26 Indian men interviewed about their experience with Iranian shipping. “They forced us to work like slaves.”

When a job recruitment agent in India handed Ashwani Pandit a plane ticket and visa for Iran early last year, he panicked.

The 24-year-old from Bihar state said he had taken out loans to pay the recruiter $2,600 to secure a job aboard a ship that Pandit believed was based in Dubai.
He hoped it would give him the experience needed to start a career at sea.

When he found out at the last minute that he had been tricked, Pandit said, he was denied a refund and had little choice but to travel to Iran, where he toiled aboard a small cargo boat for seven months transporting urea and iron to Iraq.

“My friends working on vessels in Iran warned me companies there don’t pay salaries,” he said. “The same thing happened to me.”

Pandit ultimately left Iran empty-handed in August 2020. His employer, Dashti Marine Co., arranged his exit visa on the condition he signs a contract stating he did not require payment for his work.

The document, seen by The Washington Post, declares that his only compensation is a letter from the company confirming his work experience.

Babak Dashti, the owner of Dashti Marine, declined to comment.

Indians represent a significant share of the seafarers employed by Iranian companies, in part because India is a major source of maritime labor worldwide.

 About 316,000 Indians work as seafarers, nearly 20 percent of the global total, according to data published by India’s Ministry of Ports, Shipping and Waterways.

The Indian labor is especially appealing for Iranian companies because U.S. sanctions on Iran have made it difficult to hire workers from many other counties, said Andy Bowerman, regional director for the Middle East and South Asia at the Mission to Seafarers, a charity.

“There is a close relationship between Iran and India, and therefore it is quite attractive in terms of securing visas,” he said.

Moreover, he said, “there are a lot of desperate people who will take a contract that they may or may not know has some risk to it.”

The pipeline for these migrant workers comprises recruitment agents in both India and Iran in addition to Iranian shipping firms, seafarers said.

Those interviewed said they had paid between $2,019 and $6,732 to secure their jobs. Almost all were starting their careers and seeking the experience needed to secure more lucrative jobs.
“Families want their sons to get out of poverty and earn something better, so they put all their resources in, sell off their land and farms, to give to the recruitment agent,” said Chirag Bahri, director of the Indian division of the International Seafarers’ Welfare and Assistance Network (ISWAN).

Amitabh Kumar, the Indian government’s Director General of shipping, said that most of these seafarers appear to have traveled abroad as “undocumented recruitments” and that it is difficult to provide an exact number of men involved.

 In addition to those men who are falsely told their work will be based outside Iran, there are some seafarers who knew they were headed to the Islamic republic but say they were still taken aback by the working conditions they found.

Neither Iran’s Ports and Maritime Organization nor the Shipping Association of Iran responded to requests for comment.

Almost all the seafarers interviewed said they were denied adequate food and suffered regular attacks of hunger and subsequent weight loss.

“I faced a problem with food. I asked for food from ships nearby if I didn’t have lunch.

“If I asked for one bread or two eggs, they gave them to me,” said Yaseen Sha, 32, who said he returned home to India in July after spending 19 months in Iran without pay.

Some seafarers reported they were put to work aboard Iranian-flagged vessels that transport narcotics.

Anand Maity, 28, from Kolkata, for instance, said he had been working in the kitchen of a tugboat sailing from Djibouti to Iran and was unaware that drugs were on board before a stash of heroin was discovered two years ago by the Iranian coast guard.

He and seven other crew members were arrested. He said he spent 18 months in Tehran’s Evin prison before being released in June. “I try to forget that time,” Maity said. “I don’t want to remember.”

Several men recalled getting caught up in other types of illicit commerce.

Jameel Akhtar, 29, from Mumbai, was among a number of seafarers who told of working on vessels smuggling fuel and other Iranian goods covered by U.S. sanctions.

After his tanker was caught transporting Iranian fuel in late 2020, Akhtar said, it was detained by authorities from the United Arab Emirates and remained anchored in port for months.

In July, four people wearing black masks and goggles and brandishing guns boarded the ship, tied the crew members’ hands behind their backs and threatened to shoot anybody who moved, he recalled.

The crew was held hostage while the tanker was sailed to Bandar Abbas, Iran. They were then released and assisted by the Indian Embassy to fly home.

An official report on the incident, published by investigators from the maritime administration of Dominica, the Caribbean country where the vessel was flagged, said Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps was likely responsible.

 Iran’s Foreign Ministry did not respond to a request for comment.

Seafarers interviewed in India said they ultimately returned home with little if any money to show for their work, as well as traumatized by their experience with Iranian shipping companies, but they remained unwilling to give up their dreams of working at sea.

Pandit is searching for a job but says he will never return to Iran. “The shipping companies are total frauds,” he said.

 “These are big men. They don’t understand the misery experienced by the poor.”

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Headlines

Beyond The Communique: Can West Africa’s $27 billion port rhetoric Outrun gridlock?

The Monday Discourse with Nasiru 
The dust has settled on the Port Management Association of West and Central Africa (PMAWCA) conference hosted by the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) in Lagos last week.
 For three days, 18th to 20th May 2026, Maritime Executives, Regional Ministers, and Portuguese Administrators traded optimism, signed agreements, and toasted to the future.
The headlines if not hallucinating, were intoxicating: a staggering $27 billion committed to Regional Port Infrastructure, grand declarations of transforming into sustainable “Blue Economy” engines, and lofty goals to replicate the seamless digital models of Rotterdam and Singapore.
Yet, for the average importer, shipping line agent, or haulage driver navigating the chaotic access roads of Apapa, Tin Can, or Luanda, the disconnect between boardroom rhetoric and dockyard reality remains jarring.
While the Lagos conference successfully demonstrated Nigeria’s diplomatic hosting prowess under the leadership of NPA Managing Director, Dr. Abubakar Dantsoho, it also exposed a deeper regional vulnerability.
West and Central African ports are masterful at planning, but historically abysmal at executing.
If this $27 billion infrastructure boom is to be anything more than a monumental paper tiger, regional leadership must pivot immediately from policy curation to aggressive, unforgiving execution.
On paper, the sub-region is undergoing a maritime renaissance. We are told of Guinea’s massive $20 billion Simandou-Morebaya project, Cote d’Ivoire’s $2 billion Port San Pedro expansion, and Nigeria’s own $1.5 billion Lekki Deep Sea Port, alongside fresh pledges to modernize aging brownfield terminals.
But a Port is not merely a collection of deep berths, breakwaters, and expensive gantry cranes. It is an intricate, living logistical ecosystem.
Building a multi-billion-dollar Deep-Sea Port while leaving the surrounding multimodal transport network broken is an exercise in futility.
Lekki Deep Sea Port, despite its state-of-the-art infrastructure, still struggles with optimal evacuation routes.
True regional competitiveness will not be won by the nation that signs the largest infrastructure contract; it will be won by the nation that successfully connects its berths to functioning rail lines, Inland Dry Ports (IDPs), and uncongested highways.
Until cargo can move from a vessel to an inland destination seamlessly, these multi-billion-dollar investments are simply monumentally expensive parking lots for containers.
The conference highly praised the “Rotterdam-Singapore data-exchange model” as the blueprint for eliminating West Africa’s notoriously high cargo dwell times.
 In Nigeria, officials proudly showcased the roll-out of the National Single Window initiative and the Port Community System.
But let us be objective: West African ports do not suffer from a lack of digital concepts; they suffer from a lack of institutional compliance.
For years, “Single Windows” have been launched, rebranded, and relaunched, yet manual interventions persist.
Why? Because automation directly threatens the lucrative, entrenched economies of corruption, extortive  human contact, and bureaucratic bottlenecks.
 Replicating Singapore requires more than buying expensive software; it requires the political will to strip corrupt agencies of their physical inspection monopolies.
If Customs administrations and border agencies can still demand the physical, manual opening of containers despite digital clearances, then the “Paperless Port” remains an expensive mirage.
A commendable takeaway from the Lagos summit was the celebration of Nigeria’s Deep Blue Project, which has successfully suppressed piracy in the Gulf of Guinea for three consecutive years.
This is a massive victory for regional security. However, security is only a facilitator of trade, not trade itself.
While the waters may be safer from pirates, the land corridors remain plagued by a different kind of piracy: systemic extortion at border checkpoints, overlapping regulatory charges, and severe cargo diversion.
It is an open secret that landlocked neighbors like Niger, Chad, and Mali often bypass geographically closer Nigerian ports in favor of Beninese, Togolese, or Ghanaian corridors.
 Why? Because the total cost of cargo clearance, measured in both time and bribes, makes Nigerian routes economically punitive.
Decentralizing operations to Nigeria’s Eastern Ports, as proposed by the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy, will fail to yield results if the same predatory regulatory culture is simply exported from Lagos to Port Harcourt, Warri, Onne, and Calabar.
If the Port Management Association of West and Central Africa wants to avoid meeting next year to lament the same old problems, the AGENDA must change today.
First, the NPA and its regional peers must tie Port Key Performance indicators (KPIs) strictly to cargo dwell times, not revenue generation.
A Port’s primary job is efficiency, not tax collection. Second, the implementation of the National Single Window must be backed by executive enforcement that legally penalizes any agency insisting on manual intervention outside automated channels.
Finally, regional integration must move past the ECOWAS protocol paperwork. There must be a unified, digitized tracking system that allows a container cleared in Lagos to move to Niamey without facing a dozen predatory checkpoints.
The Lagos communique was a beautiful piece of literature. But literature does not offload vessels, clear containers, or lower the cost of doing business.
 West Africa’s maritime sector does not need more summits, boards, or committees. It needs an execution squad.
Until we match our boardroom eloquence with dockyard discipline, the “Ports of the Future” will remain a luxury we can only read about in conference brochures.
Chief Ibrahim Nasiru , a Public Affairs Analyst, writes from Abuja
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Analyses

Beyond The Lagos Communique: Can West Africa’s $27 Billion Port Rhetoric Outrun Gridlock?

Ibrahim Nasiru
The Monday Discourse with NASIRU focuses on the take away from the just concluded PMAWCA board meeting in Lagos.
Last week, maritime leaders gathered in Lagos for the PMAWCA conference, celebrating a staggering $27 billion infrastructure boom and drawing up plans to replicate the seamless digital models of Rotterdam and Singapore.
But for the average importer, agent, or truck driver trapped in the chaos of Apapa or Tin Can, the disconnect is jarring.
West African Ports are masterful at planning, but historically abysmal at executing.
A multi-billion-dollar Deep Sea Port is just an expensive parking lot for containers if the surrounding rail and road infrastructure remains broken.
True competitiveness will not be won by the nation that signs the largest contract; it will be won by the nation that actually clears a container without corruption, extortion, or manual delays.
It is time to move past courtroom style policy curation and deploy an execution squad.
Read full details tomorrow on why West Africa’s maritime sector needs dockyard discipline over boardroom eloquence.
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Headlines

Sallah celebration: Osun govt offers free train ride to indigenes as NRC increases Lagos–Ibadan Train Trips for Sallah

Gloria Odion, maritime reporter 
The Osun State government has made full payment to the Nigerian Railway Corporation( NRC) for the use of its narrow gauge rail services to transport the indigenes of the state free of charge for the Sallah celebration.
The annual gesture was confirmed by the management of the Corporation while announcing a temporary increase  in train services on the Lagos–Ibadan Train Service (LITS) corridor for Tuesday, May 26, 2026, ahead of the Sallah celebration.
The NRC revealed that the Osun government free train ride will be on its narrow gauge corridor.
The special train will depart from Iddo Station, Lagos, on Tuesday, May 26, 2026, while the return trip from Osogbo to Lagos will take place on Thursday, May 28, 2026.
The service, which is usually operated during festive periods, is being sponsored by the Osun State Government through a paid arrangement with the Nigerian Railway Corporation to convey Osun indigenes free of charge for the Sallah celebration.
Meanwhile, the Corporation has announced an adjustment to its schedule on its Lagos–Ibadan Train Service (LITS) corridor for Tuesday, May 26, 2026, ahead of the Sallah
The temporary adjustment is aimed at accommodating the expected increase in passenger movement as many Nigerians travel to celebrate the festive season with their families and loved ones.
Under the special arrangement, the Corporation will operate six train trips on Tuesday, May 26, 2026, instead of the usual four trips currently operated on the corridor.
For the day, train departures from the Lagos end will be at 7:45am, 1:40pm and 4:00pm, while departures from the Ibadan end will be at 8:00am, 10:50am and 4:30pm.
The Management clarified that this arrangement is strictly temporary and applies only to the Sallah travel period.
 Immediately after the celebration, the normal Tuesday timetable of four trips will resume.
Similarly, the recently introduced Thursday six-trip operations will be temporarily adjusted next week, as only four trips will operate on Thursday May,  28th during the period under review.
The regular six-trip Thursday schedule will however resume the following week.
The NRC reassured passengers of its commitment to providing safe, efficient and reliable rail transportation services across the country and wishes all Nigerians a peaceful and memorable Sallah celebration.
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