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APC Primaries:  Who wins Isuikwuato/Umunneochi Federal constituency mandate?

CHIEF LILIAN OBENWA
By Fred Uwaoma
 As the stage is set for All Progressives Congress(APC) primaries for different elective positions,  aspirants are adopting deft political strategies to woe delegates to give them the enabling vote to emerge as the party’s preferred candidate. This is because APC appears sure to beat any other party because PDP which is the ruling party in the state has received bashing for poor performance and lacklustre governance.
One interesting zone of the contest is the Isuikwuato /Umunneochi federal constituency of Abia state primarily because the aspirants are all women.
Again the incumbent legislator occupying the position, Hon. Nkeiruka Onyejeocha has stayed for four terms and is still nursing the ambition to occupy the position for the fifth term which the other contestants consider not only abnormal but gluttonous clutch at the power which must be broken.
Another argument is that the constituency which belongs to Isuikwuato and Umunneochi has by implication been annexed by the incumbent who is from Umunneochi for almost 16 years not minding the feelings of the other side.
Perhaps this is why the two other aspirants are from Isuikwuato.
HOW THE CANDIDATES STAND:
The battle line is drawn between the incumbent, Hon. Nkeiru Onyejeocha, Dr. Onyinye Kay Rufus-Obi and Dr. Lilian Obenwa.
HONOURABLE NKEIRU ONYEJEOCHA

53-year-old Hon. Nkeiruka Onyejeocha from Isuochi is the incumbent candidate representing Isuikwuato/Umunneochi at the Federal House of Representatives.
She was first elected member of the Federal House of Representatives in 2007, and later re-elected in 2015, both under the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).
She defected to the All Progressives Congress, APC in 2018 after coming under intense pressure from her former party leaders to drop her ambition for a return ticket to the house. In 2019, she won her re-election bid for a fourth term in Nigeria’s Green Chamber. She is one of the longest-serving members of the house.
In 2019, Onyejocha contested for the position of speaker of the male-dominated Nigeria’s Federal House of Representatives against Femi Gbajabiamila from Lagos State nominated for the position by her party – APC. Onyejocha’s major campaign issue was to zone speakership position to the South-East for a balanced distribution of key federal powers among the six geo-political zones of the country. But she stepped down less than 24 hours before the election.
Onyejocha was previously Executive Transition Chairman of Umunneochi Local Government Area of Abia State in 2002. In 2003 she served in the executive cabinet of Abia State as commissioner for Resource Management and Manpower Development. At the National Assembly, she served as the Chairman of Women in Parliament and Chairman, the House Committee on Aviation. Her legislative interests border on sponsoring bills that will enhance the standard of living for children, women, youths and the less privileged, education and infrastructure including the health and aviation sector. She believes her target achievements include ‘delivery of good and lasting democratic dividends to her constituency and Nigeria at large through responsive legislation.’
She goes by the chieftaincy title of “ADA-EJI-AGA-MBA 1” of the Umunneochi Local Government Area.
Arguments For:
As a ranking and active member of the House, she stands a high chance of being re-elected by the constituency
She is one of the big bigwigs in the state and so has the party hierarchy at her beck and call
Arguments Against:
She is said to have overstayed at the House and should give way for people with fresh ideas to occupy the seat.
If the latest policy by the party not to allow any candidate that has stayed for three terms to contest for the same position pulls through, Onyejeocha stands disqualified.
Analysts are saying that she should not wait to be disgraced before bowing to the wish of the people to give way for fresh minds
She is considered power-hungry for stopping at nothing to cling to the position even when she has used four terms for Umunneochi at the disadvantage of the Isuikwuato part of the constituency.
She is regarded as arrogant and believes that her access to the party structure in the state guarantees her victory any day.
Grapevine says that she has concentrated efforts on developing only Umunneochi by attracting Federal presence while leaving Isuikwuato marginalised.
Dr ONYINYE KAY RUFUS-OBI
Dr. Onyinye Kay Rufus-Obi is the daughter of a pharmaceutical mogul, Rufus Obi of the Rufus Obi Chemists fame in Aba, Abia commercial city. Rufus Obi, with the famous title – Enyi Abia is recognized even in death ( posthumously) by the  State.  Dr Onyinye is the Managing Director and CEO of Ureccon Ltd, Home Essentials Ltd and sits on the board of several companies including Mogjan Nig Ltd which is executing the security of the railways in Nigeria.
She is on the board of Rufus OBI Chemists & Co Ltd, a 48-year-old pharmaceutical company established by her late father, an Oxford University UK graduate and trained Pharmacist.
She is a seasoned Optometrist from the prestigious University of Benin, Nigeria.
She had her Master class certificate from London Graduate School
Dr. Onyinye Kay Rufus- Obi is an astute and experienced business gold fingered Mogul and Entrepreneur, who works tirelessly to fuel developmental progress through her extensive work with the people in authority and leaders in government. She has since successfully executed projects that served as catalysts for great developmental strides in the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Amazingly, she is currently working on providing security on the newly established railroad lines across Nigeria to solve the problem of vandalism and threat to lives and property on the railways.
She is a kind-hearted philanthropist and kingdom financier whose life mission is to empower less privileged communities. Her works and interventions have assisted thousands in improving their standards of living.
In 2019, she was appointed the Executive Special Assistant Finance to the Managing Director of the Niger Delta Development Commission. She aided the agency in the enrichment of the oil-producing Niger Delta region of Nigeria in ways too numerous to mention and got a lot of projects injected into the NDDC budget for Abia State with special emphasis on the Isuikwuato Local Govt Area for 3 consecutive years.
Analysts believe she is an ICON with tremendous, inborn love for her people.
She is a very devoted and dedicated mother to her children.
Arguments for:
Research showed that she had early exposure to politics through her father who always takes her around while visiting the likes of Chief Michael Okpara and other notable juggernauts in the state for political meetings.
She is given to philanthropy and her records show that she does not discriminate whether the person is from Umunneochi or Isuikwuato, Yoruba, or Hausa.
Although she is regarded as quiet, which is a minus politically in this clime, she is calculating and not flippant. She is not arrogant and respects elders but is highly principled.
She is a go-getter by nature prompting analysts to believe that she will dwarf Onyejeocha in achievements by all standards.
She is urbane. As a child, she spent her vacations abroad and got good exposure way back.
One should think that being born with a silver spoon would have made her proud and arrogant but the opposite is the case. She is humble and down-to-earth.
Growing up, she spent her vacations abroad (Europe and America) traveling with her parents.
She has been exposed to wealth early, has enjoyed life, and would not have reason to divert people’s money because of her good upbringing and genuine heart for the people.
Analysts believe she will definitely do better than Onyejeocha.
CHIEF LILIAN OBENWA
Chief Lady Lilian Chinasa Obenwa popularly referred to as Ugo eji eje Mba is from Ekebe Eluama in Isuikwuato local government area.
She had her primary and secondary education in Owerri, Imo State. She is a holder of a bachelor of arts degree in mass communication from Imo State University.
 Obenwa is a recipient of several Awards and chieftaincy titles from communities around SouthEast states. She has been conferred with the titles of Ugo Eji Eje Mba 1 of item, Bende local government, Abia State, Igolo South East, Onu na ekwuru umu-nwanyi, Achala Ugo Nwanyi.
Reports show that she was in 2019 recognized by the government as the Imo State Director of Importers Association of Nigeria, IMAN special taskforce.
Her emergence then was made official by the IMAN Director-General, Amb. Chijioke Okoro in a letter dated 19th July 2019 addressed to both Imo State government House, and Imo State Police command, respectively.
In the letter, the Director explained that the reason for her appointment was geared towards the organization’s mission of combating the illegal smuggling of firearms and substandard goods into the country.
This obviously shows that she has played in the public space.
Arguments for:
She has a high desire to represent the constituency at the House as this ambition has remained in her since the last elective season.
She will try to make an impact at the house because of her trait of wanting to get popular.
Arguments Against:
She is not well known like the other two so could be regarded as a dark horse.
She appears not to have a solid structure and lacks attention to details judging from her latest circulating campaign poster.
Although she is a degree holder, analysts believe that her public speaking ability is not well tested, so this may work against her at the House.
She is regarded as loud, and friendly but alleged not to be trusted in business relationships. There are allegations that people that have had political dealings with her complain that she eats their money and doesn’t distribute the bounty given to them.
She ran against Onyejeocha in 2019 but couldn’t make much impact. Analysts think it was all bark and no bite, which made the Abia Political godfathers to tell  her to step down.
She lacks the war chest to mount a sustainable campaign programme.
CONCLUSION
Looking at the three how and they stand, Onyejeocha has the incumbency factor going for her.
But the odds are against her for overstaying at the House and the party moguls may already be frowning at this.
Dr Onyinye who has the advantage of already staying in Abuja and at the same time connected to the grassroots with mass following is well favoured to carry the day.
Because of the current campaign for more women in power, her emergence is likely to be total with the low performance of PDP in the State.
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Commentaries

Beyond Shiny Tech: Why Africa’s smart ports must build  plumbing before AI

Monday Discourse with Ibrahim Nasiru

At the African Ports Conference (COPAF 2026) in Casablanca, Morocco, the Managing Director of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), Dr. Abubakar Dantsoho, dropped a piece of unvarnished realism that should govern all future maritime discourse on the continent.

Speaking on the theme of artificial intelligence and cybersecurity, Dantsoho issued a vital warning: African ports must establish effective, uncompromised digital foundations before they rush to deploy artificial intelligence (AI).

In an era where public officials routinely weaponize trendy buzzwords like “AI,” “Big Data,” and “Smart Governance” to perform administrative progress, Dantsoho’s perspective is a refreshing return to structural logic.

Smart ports, he rightly argued, must be measured by tangible operational realities—faster vessel turnaround times, shorter cargo dwell times, lower costs, and watertight revenue accounting—not by the sheer volume of technology purchases.

The numbers coming out of Nigeria’s maritime sector suggest that getting the basic digital foundations right yields immediate economic dividends.

The deployment of foundational tools like the “Eto” truck call-up system, alongside initial frameworks for the Port Community System, catalyzed a staggering 24.8 per cent increase in Nigeria’s cargo throughput.

This foundational digitisation is precisely why the World Bank’s Container Port Performance Index recently recorded strong upward trajectory rankings for both the Tin Can Island and Apapa Ports.

But as Nigeria embarks on its massive $1 billion Lagos ports modernization program, we must face the hard, structural truth that lies beneath these celebratory statistics.

Digitisation is not merely about software procurement; it is about political will and institutional harmonization.

For over a decade, Nigeria’s biggest maritime bottleneck has not been a lack of computers, but the fierce, territorial resistance from various state agencies refusing to plug into a single, unified data ledger.

A “Smart Port” cannot exist in a vacuum where customs, immigration, terminal operators, and security agencies run isolated, analogue silos designed to preserve bureaucratic fiefdoms and rent-seeking opportunities.

If the $1 billion modernization fund is spent buying sophisticated AI predictive maintenance tools and automated vessel planning systems while the National Single Window remains structurally sabotaged by agency politics, we will simply end up with a highly automated system that accelerates corruption and bottlenecks.

You cannot run a predictive AI algorithm on data that is manually altered or hidden by a human clearing agent at the wharf.

Dantsoho is entirely correct: we must build the digital plumbing before we chase the AI crown.

Going into 2027, the yardstick for evaluating the NPA’s modernization program must not be the number of smart cameras or automated gates installed.

The true metric of success will be the complete, legally enforced integration of all port stakeholders into a single data ecosystem.

Until the data flows seamlessly and transparently from the vessel to the final exit gate without human friction, any talk of an “AI-driven smart port” is mere window dressing.

We must fix the foundations first, or watch a billion dollars clear out into the ocean of unfulfilled potential.

Ibrahim Nasiru, a public affairs analyst, writes from Abuja.

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Commentaries

Choking in Apapa, idle in Calabar: Fixing Nigeria’s one-sided maritime system

Monday Discourse with Ibrahim Nasiru

For decades, Nigeria has been doing something completely upside down with its maritime business

We have over 850 kilometers of beautiful coastline, yet we force almost all our international trade to squeeze through just two choked locations: Apapa and Tin Can Island in Lagos.

The result? Nightmare traffic jams, crazy demurrage fees, and local businesses dying because their goods are trapped at sea for weeks.

But from what we saw at the World Maritime Day celebration in Lagos, a real, common-sense change might finally be on the horizon.

The Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Adegboyega Oyetola, laid out a very clear plan under the theme, “From Policy to Practice: Powering Maritime Excellence.” ,

He promised that the government is fully committed to modernizing ports outside Lagos—specifically Onne, Warri, and Calabar—while building new deep seaports in places like Ondo, Ibom, and Bonny.

He also unveiled a big drive to train young Nigerian sailors to global standards so they can compete for jobs anywhere in the world.

As an analyst who looks at the actual numbers, this is where we need to pay close attention.

The ministry has already scored some big wins. Getting the United States Coast Guard to lift its long-standing security restrictions on ships coming from Nigeria is a massive deal.

It means fewer delays, lower shipping insurance costs, and cheaper goods for ordinary Nigerians when those savings drop down the supply chain.

Also, moving our local fish production from 1.1 million to 1.4 million metric tonnes shows that things are actually moving.

However, during her keynote presentation at the event, maritime expert, Mrs. Mfon Ekong Usoro, hit the nail on the head.

She reminded stakeholders that Nigeria’s maritime future depends entirely on moving from sound paperwork to actual, visible results.

Let’s tell ourselves the home truth: the real success of Oyetola’s ministry will not be judged by the fine speeches or brilliant policies presented at luxury hotels.

It will be judged by how quickly we can break the monopoly of the Lagos ports.

Opening up the eastern and southern ports is no longer just a good idea; it is a matter of economic survival.

When you make Onne, Warri, and Calabar fully functional, you instantly bring life back to regional economies, create thousands of local jobs, and make things cheaper for tens of millions of citizens living outside the South-West.

But a port is completely useless if you cannot get goods out of it. You cannot run a modern port if you rely only on heavy trucks fighting broken roads.

Oyetola’s ministry must work hand-in-hand with the Ministry of Transport. We need to see working rail lines laid straight into the ports of Onne and Calabar, connecting them directly to Inland Dry Ports like Baro and Onitsha.

Also, the government must use the new Nigerian Ports Economic Regulatory Agency(NPERA)  Act to completely crush the official corruption, crazy hidden charges, and delays that have historically scared international shipping lines away from our eastern ports.

The roadmap is there, and the international community is already noticing through the lifted US security restrictions.

Now, the federal government needs the political muscle to build the rail and road connections to back it up.

It is time to move from policy to practice, open up our eastern waterways, and let the whole country breathe.

Ibrahim Nasiru, a public affairs analyst, writes from Abuja 

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The Olokola Conundrum: DP World, Dangote, and ghosts of Nigeria’s contractual sanctity

Monday Discourse with Ibrahim Nasiru

The Ogun State Government’s recent signing of a $7 billion Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in Paris with Dubai’s DP World has been loudly celebrated by state publicists as a monumental triumph for foreign direct investment.

The ambitious agreement aims to develop the Gateway Deep Sea Port and the Blue Marine Special Economic Zone within the strategic Olokola axis.

However, to seasoned watchers of Nigeria’s industrial policy and maritime concessions, this fresh diplomatic foray triggers a profound sense of deja vu.

By overlapping a fresh international agreement onto a maritime asset where the Dangote Group still holds an active, multi-billion naira partnership and controlling stake, the current administration is navigating a legal and political minefield.

The Olokola project is not a blank canvas; it is a highly contested zone haunted by historical policy reversals and unresolved sovereign commitments.

To understand the volatile structural foundations of Olokola, one must revisit its ambitious inception in 2004.

Conceived under the visionary yet politically fraught collaboration between former Governor Gbenga Daniel of Ogun State and the late Governor Olusegun Agagu of Ondo State, the Olokola Free Trade Zone was designed to be the ultimate crown jewel of Nigeria’s maritime and energy independence.

It attracted an elite, multi-billion dollar investment profile, headlined by the ill-fated Olokola Liquefied Natural Gas (OKLNG) project, backed by global giants including the NNPC, Shell, Chevron, and the BG Group.

Yet, despite its peerless economic blueprint, the entire enterprise famously collapsed under the weight of inter-state political rivalries, bureaucratic paralysis, and sudden federal policy shifts.

When international oil companies pulled out due to a lack of institutional guarantees, local conglomerates like the Dangote Group stepped in to secure strategic stakes, preserving the asset’s industrial viability for the future.

Bypassing this historical footprint without a clean legal resolution is an invitation to systemic friction.

Therefore, the current strategy of double tracking agreements over the exact same geographical and maritime asset represents a dangerous institutional risk.

While the state’s aggressive drive to unlock the economic potential of the Ogun coastline and expand the nation’s blue economy is highly commendable, courting a Middle Eastern maritime giant like DP World while ignoring an existing domestic investor creates severe legal vulnerabilities.

In global shipping and port development, international operators look for absolute clarity regarding terminal operations, land titles, and concession limits

You cannot sustainably attract premium global capital by exposing them to immediate, multi-billion naira litigation from entrenched domestic players who have already sunk enormous resources into the zone’s foundational layout.

International project financiers and global port operators do not just look at shiny executive MoUs signed in European capitals; they look closely at local title security, asset de-risking, and a host state’s history of respecting contract sanctity.

If Nigeria is to successfully position its emerging seaports as competitive hubs within the West African sub-region, it must learn to operate under the global standard of a landlord port model where rights are clearly defined and legally unassailable.

Overlapping political promises only serve to drive away serious developers and delay actual infrastructure delivery.

The global investment community is watching how Nigeria treats its premier industrial actors, and any sign of flip-flopping on contractual terms acts as a major red flag for foreign direct investment.

Ultimately, if Ogun State truly wants the Olokola Deep Seaport to transition from a twenty year boardroom dream into a world class maritime reality, it must aggressively clear its legal debts first.

The administration must pivot away from performative international signings and sit down at a transparent renegotiation table to cleanly buy out or harmonize interests with the Dangote Group.

Failing to do so will ensure that this $7 billion UAE deal suffers the exact same paralyzing fate as the 2004 OKLNG blueprint.

In the high stakes theater of global infrastructure, true economic growth is built on the unyielding sanctity of existing laws and contracts—not on the shifting sands of political expediency.

Ibrahim Nasiru, a public affairs analyst, writes from Abuja 

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