Headlines

Osun election: How Oyebamiji lost to Osun APC internal power struggle

Funso Olojo, Editor

The defeat of Asiwaju Munirudeen Bola Oyebamiji in the August 15th, 2026 Osun governorship election may ultimately be remembered as more than a failure at the ballot box.

It was, in many respects, the latest chapter in the long-running struggle for control, influence and political direction within the Osun State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Oyebamiji fought a formidable campaign and came within striking distance of Governor Ademola Adeleke.

But when the votes were finally counted, Adeleke emerged with 511,067 votes against Oyebamiji’s 444,815, winning by 66,252 votes and taking 19 of the state’s 30 local government areas, while the APC candidate won 11.

For a party that entered the contest determined to reclaim Osun, the result raises a painful question: Did the APC lose the election at the polling booths—or did it lose vital ground much earlier, in the battles within its own ranks?

The evidence suggests that the answer is a combination of both.

The ghost of 2022

The greatest weakness of Osun APC has always been its inability to completely bury its internal wars.

The party’s 2022 experience remains instructive. The feud between the camps associated with former Governor Gboyega Oyetola and former Governor Rauf Aregbesola fractured the APC before the election.

Political analysts subsequently identified the division within the party as one of the factors that contributed to Oyetola’s defeat by Adeleke.

Four years later, the APC entered another election under the shadow of unresolved factional relationships.

This time, the principal fault lines included the longstanding rivalry involving Oyetola and former deputy governor and former APC National Secretary, Iyiola Omisore.

By mid-2026, the party was still making efforts to reconcile the two camps. A peace meeting reportedly brokered by former APC National Chairman Bisi Akande was held to resolve the lingering rift between Omisore and Oyetola.

That fact alone was significant.
A political party preparing for a major governorship election should ideally be discussing how to defeat its opponent, mobilise voters and sell its candidate.

Instead, substantial political energy was still being expended on reconciling influential actors within the party.

Oyebamiji inherited a fractured and divided house. Oyebamiji himself was not necessarily the cause of the crisis.

Indeed, he emerged as the APC’s consensus candidate after an internal process in which he was widely regarded as acceptable across several political interests within the party.

His candidacy therefore offered the APC an opportunity to put its factional history behind it.

But choosing a consensus candidate and building a genuinely united political machine around him are two different things.

The APC needed all its major blocs to translate their individual structures into one coordinated campaign organisation.

The challenge was not simply getting party leaders to appear together at rallies. It was ensuring that their supporters, ward leaders, local government structures and grassroots networks were equally committed to the same candidate.

That is where the war within became electorally consequential.

The Omisore question

Few issues illustrated the APC’s internal dilemma more clearly than the place of Omisore in the campaign.

Omisore remained an important political figure in Osun APC, but reports of defections by some of his associates raised questions about the extent of his influence and whether the party had successfully integrated all its competing tendencies ahead of the election.

In June, THISDAY reported the resignation of Kolawole Ismaila, described as one of the strong pillars in Omisore’s camp.

Other reports similarly documented defections and resignations from the APC as the election approached.

For an opposition party trying to unseat an incumbent, every prominent defection mattered—not necessarily because one politician alone could determine an election, but because defections could signal deeper dissatisfaction among networks of ward leaders, local organisers and grassroots loyalists.

The danger was that the APC could appear united at the top while remaining fragmented below.

A party fighting yesterday’s battles

The deeper problem was structural.
Osun APC spent years fighting over who controlled the party, who should determine its leadership and which political tendency should dominate its affairs.

That history did not disappear merely because the party selected Oyebamiji.

Indeed, earlier in 2026, THISDAY described the Osun APC as a party “fighting itself”, with its internal disagreement becoming a major political issue ahead of the election.

The irony is striking.
Oyebamiji was campaigning to reclaim the Government House from Adeleke, but the APC itself had not completely resolved the struggle for ownership of the political house.

That distinction matters in Nigerian elections, where victory is often determined not only by the popularity of a candidate but by the efficiency of the party’s grassroots machinery.

Adeleke exploited what APC left unresolved
While the APC wrestled with internal cohesion, Adeleke had an important advantage: incumbency and an established grassroots political structure.

The election ultimately became a battle between a governor seeking another term and an opposition candidate attempting to build a coalition broad enough to remove him.

Oyebamiji ran a competitive race. But defeating an incumbent in Osun required more than an attractive candidate and federal backing.

It required an exceptionally disciplined statewide machine.

The APC had federal visibility and national political weight. But Adeleke had the advantage of incumbency, local visibility and a political family whose influence remains deeply rooted in Osun politics.

The result showed the limits of federal political leverage when it is not matched by complete grassroots cohesion.

The numbers tell the story
The final figures make the defeat difficult to dismiss as a narrow accident.

Adeleke’s 511,067 votes represented a substantial statewide mobilisation.

Oyebamiji’s 444,815 votes were also significant and demonstrated that the APC remained a powerful force in Osun.

But the 66,252-vote gap was large enough to show that the APC still had considerable work to do before it could translate its strength into victory.

The geographical spread was equally revealing.

Adeleke carried 19 LGAs, while Oyebamiji won 11.

The APC was therefore not annihilated. It was beaten by an incumbent who was able to assemble a broader electoral coalition.

That distinction is important because it means the APC’s defeat was not simply a rejection of Oyebamiji.

Rather, the result suggests that the party had the capacity to compete but failed to convert that capacity into the winning coalition required to capture the state.

The lesson from 2022 was not fully learned.
Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of the defeat is that the warning signs had been visible.

In 2022, the APC lost the governorship amid bitter internal divisions. Analysts explicitly linked the party’s internal crisis to its electoral setback.

In 2026, the party again entered an election with questions about internal cohesion.

There were even public calls from within the party for unity.

In May, APC chieftain Olatunbosun Oyintiloye said unity among party members was crucial to securing victory in the August 15 election.

That warning now looks prophetic.
The party apparently understood the problem. What it struggled to achieve was a sufficiently deep and lasting solution.

It would be unfair to blame everything on the APC crisis.

Yet attributing Oyebamiji’s defeat entirely to internal APC politics would be too simplistic.
Elections are multidimensional.

Adeleke’s performance as incumbent mattered. His campaign strategy mattered. His political network mattered.

Voter perceptions of the state government mattered. The candidates’ individual appeal mattered. Local political calculations mattered.

The election was also fought in an environment characterised by intense political competition, defections, court battles, accusations and counter-accusations.

There was also the presence of the ADC’s Najeem Salam, who competed for the same broad political space and potentially affected the distribution of opposition votes.

Therefore, the APC’s internal crisis should be seen not as the only reason for defeat, but as a force that weakened the party’s ability to maximise its other advantages.

The painful irony of the campaign

Perhaps the greatest irony is that Oyebamiji had entered the race as a unifying figure.
His emergence was meant to provide the APC with a candidate around whom the different tendencies could rally.

He was not carrying the baggage of the old political wars in the same way as some of the party’s older combatants.

But a candidate can only unite a party to the extent that the party’s leaders are prepared to subordinate personal ambitions to collective victory.

That appears to have been the central challenge.

The APC needed its leaders to make Oyebamiji’s victory bigger than their individual political calculations.

The result suggests that the process was incomplete.The real loser may be the old APC structure.

Oyebamiji has lost the governorship election, but the larger question concerns the future of Osun APC.

The party remains competitive. Its candidate secured 444,815 votes—an impressive figure that shows the APC cannot be dismissed in Osun politics.

But the defeat has exposed a fundamental weakness. The APC cannot continue to approach every governorship election as another contest between old factions.

If the party wants to win in Osun in the January Presidential election and other future elections, it must move from factional politics to institutional politics.

That means building a party structure in which ward leaders matter as much as political godfathers; where defeated aspirants genuinely work for the candidate; where former office holders do not operate parallel structures; and where reconciliation happens months before an election—not weeks before polling day.

Oyebamiji’s defeat is therefore a warning.
The APC’s problem in Osun is not a shortage of politicians.

It is a shortage of political cohesion.
The party has influential personalities, experienced former governors, ministers, senators, former national officers and a large grassroots base.

Yet these assets become liabilities when they are deployed in competing directions.

The August 15 election has once again demonstrated a brutal rule of Nigerian politics: A divided opposition can have the better candidate and still lose to an incumbent.

Oyebamiji came close. But close was not enough.

Adeleke’s 511,067 votes against Oyebamiji’s 444,815 have now written another chapter in Osun’s political history.

For the APC, the message from the electorate is unmistakable.

The party cannot keep fighting yesterday’s battles and expect to win tomorrow’s election.

If Osun APC fails to settle its internal wars, rebuild trust among its factions and create a genuinely united grassroots structure, the defeat of Oyebamiji may not be remembered as an isolated electoral setback.

It could become a pattern.
And that would make the real casualty of the August 15 election not Bola Oyebamiji alone but the APC’s unfinished struggle to become a truly united political force in Osun.

Headlines

MACI partners ICPC to deepen anti-corruption campaign in Maritime industry

Gloria ODION, Maritime Reporter

The Media Anti-Corruption Initiatives (MACI) has forged a strategic partnership with the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) to strengthen media-driven efforts to promote transparency, accountability and ethical conduct in Nigeria.

The partnership was sealed on Tuesday, September 15, 2026, when a seven-member MACI delegation, led by its National President, Mr Funso Olojo, paid a courtesy visit to the Resident Anti-Corruption Commissioner, Lagos Zonal Office, Mr Chukwurah Alexander, at the ICPC’s Lagos office.

Receiving the delegation, Alexander described the media as a critical partner in the ICPC’s public enlightenment and corruption-prevention mandate under Section 6 of the ICPC Act, 2000.

He commended MACI for its commitment to discouraging public participation in corrupt practices and expressed optimism that stronger collaboration between the media and the Commission would deepen public awareness and prevention efforts.

The meeting focused on developing a structured collaboration framework that would reposition the fight against corruption from a predominantly reactive approach to a more preventive and citizen-driven campaign.

Among the areas identified for collaboration are strengthening the strategic role of the media in anti-corruption advocacy and public reorientation, aligning media initiatives with the prevention-focused provisions of the ICPC mandate, and promoting global best practices in anti-corruption communication.

The stakeholders also discussed the need to distinguish between general information and actionable intelligence in investigative reporting, while promoting responsible reporting that can support legitimate anti-corruption investigations.

Other areas of proposed collaboration include continuous training and capacity building for journalists on anti-corruption reporting, development of a framework for data sharing between the ICPC and MACI to facilitate fact-based journalism, and the organisation of joint mobile and community-targeted sensitisation campaigns.

Speaking during the engagement, MACI National President, Olojo, reaffirmed the organisation’s determination to support the ICPC’s anti-corruption mandate through responsible and ethical journalism.

Olojo said citizens must be actively involved if Nigeria is to achieve the kind of society envisioned by its people.

“If we must achieve the Nigeria of our dream, the people must be actively involved,” he said.

He described the ICPC as a key coordinating institution within Nigeria’s anti-corruption architecture and pledged MACI’s continued commitment to using the media to promote integrity, accountability and responsible citizenship.

The MACI delegation comprised Olojo, LOD Onyeji, Tunde Ojudun, John Iwori, Abba Collins, Esther Komolafe and Ruth Sunday.

MACI is a non-governmental organisation committed to promoting ethical journalism, accountability and citizen participation in the fight against corruption.

Headlines

US lifting of 12-year condition of entry imposed on Nigeria excites foreign shipping companies

By Funso OLOJO, Editor

The United States Coast Guard’s (USCG) decision to lift the 12-year Condition of Entry (CoE) imposed on vessels calling at Nigerian ports has elicited strong positive reactions from international shipping companies operating in Nigeria, with the carriers describing the development as a major boost to the country’s maritime security credentials and trade prospects.

The shipping lines said the removal of the restriction could improve Nigeria’s image in the international shipping community, facilitate more direct maritime connections with the United States and create fresh opportunities for importers, exporters and shipping operators.

The USCG had imposed the enhanced security regime on vessels that had called at Nigerian ports and were subsequently destined for the United States.

Its removal, according to industry operators, signals growing confidence in the security of Nigeria’s maritime environment after 12 years of additional security requirements.

Reacting to the development, Maersk, one of the world’s largest shipping companies, said the US decision could further strengthen Nigeria’s position in global shipping and encourage carriers to consider expanding their operations.

The Terminal Planning Lead, West Africa, Srijesh Subramanian, described the development as “a welcome move”, saying it would benefit both importers and exporters.

“This is a welcome move which will enable better trade both for the importers as well as the exporters because we have quite a lot of exports going on, lots of Nigerians in the US.

“Shipping companies will be a little more bold in their expansion plans for the future. With the US removal of the Condition of Entry (COE), it is saying that Nigeria looks more like a safer environment than previously perceived,” he said.

Subramanian said the lifting of the restriction reflected improved international confidence in Nigeria’s maritime security, urging the relevant authorities to sustain the gains.

Also reacting, the Nigeria Director of Ocean Network Express (ONE), Stefan Pedersen, congratulated Nigeria on the development, although he noted that the company currently has no direct services between Nigeria and the United States.

“Congratulations to Nigeria on the lifting of the Condition of Entry. It shows the work that NIMASA has been doing all these years has actually paid off, so that is good,” Pedersen said.

According to him, while ONE was not directly affected by the restriction because it does not currently operate direct US services, its removal could make direct trade between Nigeria and the United States easier.

“At the moment ONE does not have any direct sailings to and from the US, so we are not really impacted by this. I’m certain that it would make direct trade with the US through the ports easier.

“When restrictions go away, it usually improves trade, so for our colleagues in the industry that have direct sailings to the US, it’s going to make it easier for them,” he added.

Pacific International Lines (PIL) also welcomed the development, saying it would positively affect Nigeria’s image as a serious maritime country.

The Managing Director of PIL, Ugo Opiah, said the US decision had a significant reputational implication for Nigeria.

“I think it’s a very good one in terms of the image. Of course, the US is categorized as one of, let’s say, the big brother of the world, and most times if you do qualify for things that concern the US, then you are seen as a high-integrity player.

“So for Nigeria, with this being lifted after the number of years that it had been on us, it does give a good sign that we have upped our game in terms of anything to do with security in the maritime industry,” he said.

For Mediterranean Shipping Company (MSC), the lifting of the restriction could have a more direct operational impact because of its extensive global network and services connecting major ports, including those in the United States.

The Vessel and Terminal Coordinator for MSC, Adesina Omoparuwa, said the restriction had previously necessitated trans-shipment arrangements for some cargo moving between Nigeria and the US.

“Because of this restriction, we have to do some trans-shipments. We do not have direct services to the US like we have now in China.

“Basically, China’s service that we have now, we didn’t have them before. We have to go through trans-shipment ports, but now with this development, it will give us more direct service from the US and opportunities for people that are doing business from the US to come directly down to Nigeria,” Omoparuwa said.

The lifting of the Condition of Entry on vessels that have visited Nigerian ports within their last five port calls and are destined for the United States brings to an end a 12-year regime of enhanced security requirements for such vessels.

The development is also expected to have implications beyond maritime security, particularly for shipping connectivity, cargo routing and Nigeria-US trade.

For industry operators, the removal of the restriction could reduce operational complications associated with additional security requirements and trans-shipment, while creating a more favourable environment for direct shipping services.

The development also represents a significant milestone in the Federal Government’s efforts to strengthen maritime security, improve port competitiveness and restore confidence in Nigeria’s position within the global maritime industry.

However, the reactions from the shipping companies also underline the importance of sustaining the security improvements that led to the US decision, as continued compliance with international maritime security standards will remain critical to Nigeria’s ability to attract more direct shipping services and deepen its participation in global trade.

Customs

NCS offers employment to 3,852 candidates as 2025 recruitment exercise ends

By Gloria Odion, Maritime Reporter

The Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) has concluded its 2025 recruitment exercise, offering employment to 3,852 successful candidates after more than one year of screening and assessment.

The recruitment exercise, which began with a newspaper advertisement on December 27, 2024, was initially designed to fill 3,927 vacancies across various cadres of the Service.
The exercise attracted a staggering 573,500 applications, out of which 286,697 candidates were shortlisted after the initial screening.

Following several phases of rigorous screening, the number was eventually reduced to 3,853 candidates, with 3,852 candidates completing the final screening and being offered employment.

The final stage of the exercise was conducted at the Training and Doctrine Command (TRADOC), Gwagwalada, Abuja, where candidates across the different cadres underwent documentation, physical fitness assessment and medical screening.

The two-week final screening exercise, which commenced on Monday, September 7, 2026, ended on Saturday, September 19, 2026.

It covered candidates shortlisted for the Assistant Superintendent of Customs II (ASCII), Inspectorate and Customs Assistant cadres.

The screening was conducted in batches to ensure an orderly process, reduce congestion and improve the overall experience of candidates.

Speaking on the outcome of the exercise, the Assistant Comptroller-General of Customs in charge of Human Resource Development, Frank Onyeka, said the Service had introduced measures to address challenges identified during the earlier stages of the exercise and improve the efficiency of the final screening.

“We have put measures in place to reduce congestion and ensure a smoother process this week. The gaps identified last week have been addressed, and we do not expect them to recur this week,” Onyeka said.

He also stressed the need for discipline, responsibility and strict compliance with established procedures throughout the recruitment process.

Also speaking, the Deputy Comptroller of Customs and member of the coordinating team, Adamu Musa, said the exercise recorded significant improvements, with nearly 3,000 candidates screened without any casualty.

According to him, one of the major innovations introduced into the process was the use of personalised screening forms containing candidates’ records from the various stages of the assessment.

“Any candidate that has been shortlisted has a form designed especially for him, unlike in the past where you come, they issue you a form, and then some people along the way go and even change some of the records.

“These forms come with the candidates’ records, including their names and details for sports, medical, documentation, and the checklist of required items. So, once the candidate comes, you just verify what you already have from the system,” Musa explained.

He said the introduction of the personalised forms had helped to strengthen the integrity of the process and reduce the possibility of manipulation of candidates’ records.

Musa further underscored the importance of continuous manpower development in strengthening the capacity of the Service to effectively discharge its responsibilities in national security, border protection, trade facilitation and other statutory functions.

He noted that the expanding responsibilities of the Customs Service made it imperative to continually improve the quality, competence and preparedness of its workforce.

According to him, candidates were assessed against established recruitment criteria, including age, physical fitness and drug screening.

He explained that candidates who tested positive for prohibited substances, exceeded the prescribed age limit or were found to have physical conditions capable of affecting their ability to perform assigned duties could be disqualified, subject to the final decision of the Service management.

Musa also advised candidates and members of the public to rely only on recruitment information published through the official Nigeria Customs Service website and verified social media platforms.

He warned against relying on unverified messages or individuals claiming to possess privileged information about the recruitment exercise, stressing that such channels could expose unsuspecting candidates to fraudulent activities.

The completion of the recruitment exercise marks a major step in the Customs Service’s efforts to expand and strengthen its human resource base, while ensuring that new personnel are selected through a structured, transparent and merit-based process.