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Osun election: How Oyebamiji lost to Osun APC internal power struggle

Funso Olojo, Editor 

The defeat of Asiwaju Munirudeen Bola Oyebamiji in the August 15th, 2026  Osun governorship election may ultimately be remembered as more than a failure at the ballot box.

It was, in many respects, the latest chapter in the long-running struggle for control, influence and political direction within the Osun State chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Oyebamiji fought a formidable campaign and came within striking distance of Governor Ademola Adeleke.

But when the votes were finally counted, Adeleke emerged with 511,067 votes against Oyebamiji’s 444,815, winning by 66,252 votes and taking 19 of the state’s 30 local government areas, while the APC candidate won 11.

For a party that entered the contest determined to reclaim Osun, the result raises a painful question: Did the APC lose the election at the polling booths—or did it lose vital ground much earlier, in the battles within its own ranks?

The evidence suggests that the answer is a combination of both.

The ghost of 2022

The greatest weakness of Osun APC has always been its inability to completely bury its internal wars.

The party’s 2022 experience remains instructive. The feud between the camps associated with former Governor Gboyega Oyetola and former Governor Rauf Aregbesola fractured the APC before the election.

Political analysts subsequently identified the division within the party as one of the factors that contributed to Oyetola’s defeat by Adeleke.

Four years later, the APC entered another election under the shadow of unresolved factional relationships.

This time, the principal fault lines included the longstanding rivalry involving Oyetola and former deputy governor and former APC National Secretary, Iyiola Omisore.

By mid-2026, the party was still making efforts to reconcile the two camps. A peace meeting reportedly brokered by former APC National Chairman Bisi Akande was held to resolve the lingering rift between Omisore and Oyetola.

That fact alone was significant.
A political party preparing for a major governorship election should ideally be discussing how to defeat its opponent, mobilise voters and sell its candidate.

Instead, substantial political energy was still being expended on reconciling influential actors within the party.

Oyebamiji inherited a fractured and divided house. Oyebamiji himself was not necessarily the cause of the crisis.

Indeed, he emerged as the APC’s consensus candidate after an internal process in which he was widely regarded as acceptable across several political interests within the party.

His candidacy therefore offered the APC an opportunity to put its factional history behind it.

But choosing a consensus candidate and building a genuinely united political machine around him are two different things.

The APC needed all its major blocs to translate their individual structures into one coordinated campaign organisation.

The challenge was not simply getting party leaders to appear together at rallies. It was ensuring that their supporters, ward leaders, local government structures and grassroots networks were equally committed to the same candidate.

That is where the war within became electorally consequential.

The Omisore question

Few issues illustrated the APC’s internal dilemma more clearly than the place of Omisore in the campaign.

Omisore remained an important political figure in Osun APC, but reports of defections by some of his associates raised questions about the extent of his influence and whether the party had successfully integrated all its competing tendencies ahead of the election.

In June, THISDAY reported the resignation of Kolawole Ismaila, described as one of the strong pillars in Omisore’s camp.

Other reports similarly documented defections and resignations from the APC as the election approached.

For an opposition party trying to unseat an incumbent, every prominent defection mattered—not necessarily because one politician alone could determine an election, but because defections could signal deeper dissatisfaction among networks of ward leaders, local organisers and grassroots loyalists.

The danger was that the APC could appear united at the top while remaining fragmented below.

A party fighting yesterday’s battles

The deeper problem was structural.
Osun APC spent years fighting over who controlled the party, who should determine its leadership and which political tendency should dominate its affairs.

That history did not disappear merely because the party selected Oyebamiji.

Indeed, earlier in 2026, THISDAY described the Osun APC as a party “fighting itself”, with its internal disagreement becoming a major political issue ahead of the election.

The irony is striking.
Oyebamiji was campaigning to reclaim the Government House from Adeleke, but the APC itself had not completely resolved the struggle for ownership of the political house.

That distinction matters in Nigerian elections, where victory is often determined not only by the popularity of a candidate but by the efficiency of the party’s grassroots machinery.

Adeleke exploited what APC left unresolved
While the APC wrestled with internal cohesion, Adeleke had an important advantage: incumbency and an established grassroots political structure.

The election ultimately became a battle between a governor seeking another term and an opposition candidate attempting to build a coalition broad enough to remove him.

Oyebamiji ran a competitive race. But defeating an incumbent in Osun required more than an attractive candidate and federal backing.

It required an exceptionally disciplined statewide machine.

The APC had federal visibility and national political weight. But Adeleke had the advantage of incumbency, local visibility and a political family whose influence remains deeply rooted in Osun politics.

The result showed the limits of federal political leverage when it is not matched by complete grassroots cohesion.

The numbers tell the story
The final figures make the defeat difficult to dismiss as a narrow accident.

Adeleke’s 511,067 votes represented a substantial statewide mobilisation.

Oyebamiji’s 444,815 votes were also significant and demonstrated that the APC remained a powerful force in Osun.

But the 66,252-vote gap was large enough to show that the APC still had considerable work to do before it could translate its strength into victory.

The geographical spread was equally revealing.

Adeleke carried 19 LGAs, while Oyebamiji won 11.

The APC was therefore not annihilated. It was beaten by an incumbent who was able to assemble a broader electoral coalition.

That distinction is important because it means the APC’s defeat was not simply a rejection of Oyebamiji.

Rather, the result suggests that the party had the capacity to compete but failed to convert that capacity into the winning coalition required to capture the state.

The lesson from 2022 was not fully learned.
Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of the defeat is that the warning signs had been visible.

In 2022, the APC lost the governorship amid bitter internal divisions. Analysts explicitly linked the party’s internal crisis to its electoral setback.

In 2026, the party again entered an election with questions about internal cohesion.

There were even public calls from within the party for unity.

In May, APC chieftain Olatunbosun Oyintiloye said unity among party members was crucial to securing victory in the August 15 election.

That warning now looks prophetic.
The party apparently understood the problem. What it struggled to achieve was a sufficiently deep and lasting solution.

It would be unfair to blame everything on the APC crisis.

Yet attributing Oyebamiji’s defeat entirely to internal APC politics would be too simplistic.
Elections are multidimensional.

Adeleke’s performance as incumbent mattered. His campaign strategy mattered. His political network mattered.

Voter perceptions of the state government mattered. The candidates’ individual appeal mattered. Local political calculations mattered.

The election was also fought in an environment characterised by intense political competition, defections, court battles, accusations and counter-accusations.

There was also the presence of the ADC’s Najeem Salam, who competed for the same broad political space and potentially affected the distribution of opposition votes.

Therefore, the APC’s internal crisis should be seen not as the only reason for defeat, but as a force that weakened the party’s ability to maximise its other advantages.

The painful irony of the campaign

Perhaps the greatest irony is that Oyebamiji had entered the race as a unifying figure.
His emergence was meant to provide the APC with a candidate around whom the different tendencies could rally.

He was not carrying the baggage of the old political wars in the same way as some of the party’s older combatants.

But a candidate can only unite a party to the extent that the party’s leaders are prepared to subordinate personal ambitions to collective victory.

That appears to have been the central challenge.

The APC needed its leaders to make Oyebamiji’s victory bigger than their individual political calculations.

The result suggests that the process was incomplete.The real loser may be the old APC structure.

Oyebamiji has lost the governorship election, but the larger question concerns the future of Osun APC.

The party remains competitive. Its candidate secured 444,815 votes—an impressive figure that shows the APC cannot be dismissed in Osun politics.

But the defeat has exposed a fundamental weakness. The APC cannot continue to approach every governorship election as another contest between old factions.

If the party wants to win in Osun in the January Presidential election and other future elections, it must move from factional politics to institutional politics.

That means building a party structure in which ward leaders matter as much as political godfathers; where defeated aspirants genuinely work for the candidate; where former office holders do not operate parallel structures; and where reconciliation happens months before an election—not weeks before polling day.

Oyebamiji’s defeat is therefore a warning.
The APC’s problem in Osun is not a shortage of politicians.

It is a shortage of political cohesion.
The party has influential personalities, experienced former governors, ministers, senators, former national officers and a large grassroots base.

Yet these assets become liabilities when they are deployed in competing directions.

The August 15 election has once again demonstrated a brutal rule of Nigerian politics: A divided opposition can have the better candidate and still lose to an incumbent.

Oyebamiji came close. But close was not enough.

Adeleke’s 511,067 votes against Oyebamiji’s 444,815 have now written another chapter in Osun’s political history.

For the APC, the message from the electorate is unmistakable.

The party cannot keep fighting yesterday’s battles and expect to win tomorrow’s election.

If Osun APC fails to settle its internal wars, rebuild trust among its factions and create a genuinely united grassroots structure, the defeat of Oyebamiji may not be remembered as an isolated electoral setback.

It could become a pattern.
And that would make the real casualty of the August 15 election not Bola Oyebamiji alone but the APC’s unfinished struggle to become a truly united political force in Osun.

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Headlines

Lagos govt.donates operational vehicles to NRC to boost railway security

Funso OLOJO Editor 

The Lagos State Government, through the Lagos State Security Trust Fund (LSSTF), has donated two operational vehicles to the Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC) to strengthen security operations and enhance the protection of railway infrastructure and other critical national assets.

The vehicles were formally handed over to the Managing Director/Chief Executive Officer of the NRC, Dr. Kayode Opeifa, at the Mobolaji Johnson Train Station, Ebute Metta, Lagos.

Presenting the vehicles, the Executive Secretary/CEO of the LSSTF, Dr. Ayodele Ogunsan, said the intervention was part of the state government’s continued support for security agencies and institutions operating within Lagos.

Ogunsan, who was accompanied by the Administrative Secretary of the Fund, Mr. Demola Lewis, said the vehicles would enhance the capacity of security personnel attached to the railway to respond promptly to vandalism, theft and other criminal activities along the railway corridor.

He commended the ongoing transformation at the NRC under Opeifa’s leadership, saying the state government considered it necessary to provide additional support to safeguard railway infrastructure and improve operational effectiveness.

The LSSTF chief urged the Nigeria Police Railway Command and the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), which are expected to deploy the vehicles for railway security operations, to ensure their judicious use.

He said the Fund had a monitoring mechanism to ensure that security assets provided through its interventions were deployed strictly for the purposes for which they were donated.

According to Ogunsan, responsible utilisation of the vehicles would encourage the state government and the Fund to provide additional support whenever necessary.

Responding, Opeifa expressed appreciation to the Lagos State Government, particularly Governor Babajide Olusola Sanwo-Olu, for its continued support for the NRC and its efforts to improve railway security and operations.

He also commended the leadership and staff of the LSSTF for their commitment, partnership and sustained support towards the safety and security of the railway system in Lagos.

Opeifa said the donation would significantly strengthen the capacity of security agencies attached to the railway to protect passengers, railway infrastructure and other critical assets.

He assured the Lagos State Government and the LSSTF that the vehicles would be deployed strictly for the purposes for which they were donated.

The NRC Managing Director also appealed to other state governments, particularly the 26 states where the Corporation has operational presence, to support efforts to protect railway infrastructure.

He stressed that stronger collaboration between the NRC, state governments and security agencies would facilitate faster responses to vandalism and other criminal activities affecting railway assets.

Opeifa also made a personal donation to the LSSTF and called on NRC employees, corporate organisations and residents of Lagos to continue supporting the Fund’s efforts to enhance security across the state.

Beyond the provision of the vehicles, he disclosed that the Lagos State Government had expressed readiness to rehabilitate some roads within the railway compound and install solar-powered streetlights after the completion of the ongoing works.

He further disclosed that work was ongoing on a major storm-water drainage project designed to channel water from the railway compound towards the Mile 2 lagoon.

According to him, the drainage project, which commenced earlier in the year, has significantly improved the environment around the railway compound and helped address the perennial flooding previously experienced during heavy rainfall.

Police, NSCDC pledge responsible use
Speaking on behalf of the security agencies, the representative of the Commissioner of Police, Nigeria Police Railway Command, Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) Yahaya Usman, thanked the Lagos State Government and the LSSTF for the donation to the Nigeria Police Force and the NSCDC.

He assured that the vehicles would be deployed strictly for railway security operations and used responsibly to strengthen surveillance, patrol and rapid-response capabilities along the railway corridor.

The intervention further underscores the growing partnership between the NRC and the Lagos State Government in promoting safer railway operations, protecting critical infrastructure and improving the security of passengers and communities along the railway network.

 

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Economy

FOU A seizes N3.95bn worth of Illicit drugs, mercury, hands over to NDLEA, NESREA

Funso OLOJO, Editor

The Federal Operations Unit (FOU), Zone A of the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS), has intercepted illicit drugs and other prohibited substances with a combined duty-paid value of N3.951 billion along trans-border routes within its area of operations.

The seizures, which included thousands of parcels of cannabis, tramadol tablets, codeine syrup and crystal methamphetamine, were handed over to the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) for further investigation and prosecution.

The Unit also seized four cylinders of high-grade mercury, weighing 34.5kg each, allegedly intended for use in illegal gold mining.

The mercury was subsequently handed over to the National Environmental Standards and Regulations Enforcement Agency (NESREA).

Addressing journalists at the Unit’s headquarters in Lagos on Thursday, September 3rd, 2026, the Controller of FOU Zone A, Comptroller Gambo Aliu, said the seizures were the outcome of intelligence-driven operations and sustained surveillance along the nation’s trans-border routes.

Among the narcotics seized were 5,669 parcels and 19 sacks of synthetic cannabis sativa weighing 3,116.9kg; three-and-a-half packs of ground cannabis (Skunk) weighing 3.45kg; two packs of granulated cannabis (Skunk) weighing 1kg; and 11 small packs of granulated cannabis weighing 0.35kg.

Others were 24 packets of Backwoods Russian Cream cigars weighing 0.5kg; 49 wraps of cannabis (Skunk) weighing 26.1kg; and one wrap of crystal methamphetamine weighing 0.35kg.

The Unit also intercepted 1,754 packs and 6,948 sachets of tramadol tablets in 225mg and 100mg variants, 1,200 Hypnox tablets of 1mg each, and 97 bottles of codeine syrup.

Comptroller Aliu said the latest enforcement operation was deliberately targeted at drug-trafficking syndicates operating within the Unit’s jurisdiction, stressing that the illicit movement of narcotics and other dangerous substances posed grave threats to public health, national security and the future of Nigerian youths.

He described the handover of the seized items to the relevant agencies as evidence of the growing operational synergy among government agencies in the fight against trans-border crime.

“Today’s event is a practical demonstration of the commitment of the Nigeria Customs Service to national security, public health, environmental safety and the economic well-being of Nigerians.

“It also reflects the importance of strategic partnership in the fight against smuggling and other forms of trans-border crime,” Aliu said.

According to him, the Customs Service would continue to strengthen the integrity of the nation’s supply chain while supporting the NDLEA in disrupting the movement of narcotics and other illicit goods across Nigeria’s borders.

“We are equally committed to providing relevant information and supporting further investigation whenever necessary,” he added.

Aliu explained that the formal transfer of the narcotics to the NDLEA would enable the agency to undertake the necessary forensic, investigative and prosecutorial processes in accordance with the law.

He added that the procedure would also ensure that the seized drugs were handled, stored and disposed of securely and professionally.

On the mercury seizure, the FOU Controller said its transfer to NESREA would enable the agency to take appropriate regulatory and environmental action, particularly given the use of mercury in illegal mining activities.

While assuring Nigerians that the crackdown on illicit traders and trans-border criminal networks would continue, Aliu said the Unit would simultaneously facilitate legitimate trade and sustain collaboration with sister agencies.

“I wish to commend the leadership and personnel of the NDLEA and NESREA for their cooperation and professionalism.

“I also appreciate the support of all sister security and regulatory agencies whose contributions continue to strengthen our collective efforts,” he said.

Aliu warned smugglers and criminal networks that the FOU Zone A would not relent in its enforcement responsibilities.

“Let me reiterate that the Federal Operations Unit will not relent in its responsibilities. We will continue to deploy intelligence-driven strategies, enhanced surveillance, effective patrols and robust enforcement operations to disrupt the activities of smugglers and criminal networks,” he declared.

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Headlines

Oyetola strips Shippers’ Council of Inland dry port functions, sets up NPERA transition committee

 Funso OLOJO, Editor

The Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Adegboyega Oyetola, has ordered the transfer of the Inland Dry Port (IDP) functions currently domiciled in the Nigerian Shippers’ Council (NSC) to the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), following the enactment of the Nigeria Ports Economic Regulatory Agency (NPERA) Act, 2026.

The directive is part of a broader restructuring of the agencies under the Federal Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy aimed at creating a clear separation between port economic regulation, infrastructure development and port operations.

Oyetola has also directed the immediate constitution of a ministerial committee to midwife the transition of the NSC into the newly established NPERA.

The move followed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s assent to the NPERA Act in August, formally establishing a substantive statutory economic regulator for Nigeria’s port sector and ending a prolonged quest for a dedicated port economic regulatory institution.

Under the new arrangement, the NSC, which has functioned as Nigeria’s interim port economic regulator since 2014, will transmute into NPERA and concentrate on economic regulatory functions.

These include the regulation of port tariffs and charges, promotion of competition, licensing, enforcement of service standards, resolution of commercial disputes and protection of port users.

The Minister said the transition provides an opportunity to eliminate institutional overlaps and ensure that every responsibility within the port sector is domiciled in the agency with the appropriate statutory mandate.

“We must get the transition right. The establishment of NPERA is a landmark reform, and the process of moving from the Nigerian Shippers’ Council to the Nigeria Ports Economic Regulatory Agency must be carefully managed,” Oyetola said.

He explained that the ministerial committee would provide the necessary oversight to ensure a seamless transition and determine the appropriate institutional homes for functions that are not compatible with economic regulation.

According to him, the Federal Government’s objective is to ensure that NPERA is allowed to operate as an impartial economic regulator, free from operational, developmental or promotional responsibilities that could create actual or perceived conflicts of interest.

“The emergence of NPERA marks a new chapter in the governance of Nigeria’s port sector. It is therefore important that the new economic regulator is freed from functions that are not compatible with economic regulation.

“A regulator cannot function as an operator and, at the same time, be expected to be perceived as an unbiased referee,” the Minister said.

Oyetola said the transfer of the IDP functions to the NPA was therefore necessary to achieve a clearer delineation of responsibilities within the port system.

He stressed that the decision should not be construed as a withdrawal of the Federal Government’s commitment to the development of inland dry ports across the country.

Rather, he said, moving the promotion of IDPs to the NPA would strengthen the programme by bringing it under an institution with direct responsibility for port infrastructure and operations.

“We are committed to strengthening the development of the Inland Dry Ports by placing their promotion within the agency with the appropriate operational and infrastructure mandate.

“The ultimate objective is to create a more efficient and integrated port system that serves the entire country,” Oyetola added.

The Minister further stated that a clear separation of responsibilities would enhance transparency, strengthen confidence in Nigeria’s port regulatory architecture and create a more predictable operating environment for port users, investors, terminal operators, shipping companies and other stakeholders.

The restructuring is expected to redefine the institutional architecture of Nigeria’s port sector, with NPERA assuming the role of economic referee, while agencies such as the NPA take responsibility for infrastructure development and operational functions within their respective mandates.

The transition committee is expected to guide the process of disentangling the NSC’s existing functions, assets, responsibilities and institutional structures as the organisation moves into its new identity and mandate as NPERA.

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